海角大神

From the back of a pickup truck, Javier Milei grips a red chain saw and shakes it in the air.

Its motor blares and spews smoke as the libertarian economist defining Argentine politics in the run-up to the Oct. 22 presidential election leads a caravan through the streets in the province of Buenos Aires.聽

As Mr. Milei swings the chain saw 鈥� a nod to his plan to slash public spending and his desire to get rid of politics as usual 鈥� he screams, 鈥淭he caste is trembling. The caste is trembling!鈥� His fans go wild, shouting with approval.

Mr. Milei surprised many when his party won nearly 30% support in presidential primaries, catapulting the once-fringe economic pundit into the global spotlight. But observers say he鈥檚 tapped into widespread discontent among Argentines.

This scene of fervent Milei supporters is a snapshot of what鈥檚 being called a 鈥渘ew collective鈥� of left- and right-wing voters united in their disgust for the status quo and for the dominant coalitions that for decades have failed to steer Argentina to prosperity.

And his base is primed to grow. Experts say Mr. Milei has figured out exactly what people want to hear, leaning into tried 鈥� and in some cases failed 鈥� economic policies of the past, while challenging social mores in a country that has been a trailblazer for human rights in Latin America.

He鈥檚 appealed to a 鈥渃ross section of age, social classes, and socioeconomic origin, which is very different from the votes we have seen before,鈥� says Pablo Touz贸n, an Argentine political scientist.聽

Argentina today is 鈥渁 different society with different needs and demands that traditional political parties have not known how to respond to,鈥� says聽Paola Zuban, a pollster with Zuban C贸rdoba, which came closest to predicting the popularity of Mr. Milei鈥檚 party leading up to the primaries.聽

鈥淲hat is at risk is a rupture鈥� in how Argentines have come to see themselves as a society over the past 40 years of democracy, she says.聽

A 鈥減ivotal鈥� moment

For most of the past four decades, Argentina has been governed by the Peronist movement, which has traditionally represented the working class. Sixteen of those years were dominated by a left-wing brand聽of politics fostered by former Presidents N茅stor聽Kirchner and Cristina Fern谩ndez de Kirchner. The center-right Juntos por el Cambio coalition, which is considered the main opposition party, had a four-year stint under former President Mauricio Macri, which closed out with a spike in inflation and more debt in 2019.

Mr. Milei鈥檚 rise is borne out of the 鈥渄ecomposition鈥� of these two main political forces, Mr. Touz贸n says. His ardent supporters are 鈥渂orn from the crises of both coalitions.鈥�

The heft of this voting bloc became clear on Aug. 13, when presidential primary elections 鈥� open to all voters, making them essentially a dry run for the general election 鈥� resulted in Mr. Milei鈥檚 La Libertad Avanza party clinching nearly one-third of the vote. The sudden emergence of a strong third-party force shook up the political chessboard.聽

鈥淚t is a pivotal political moment,鈥� says Ms. Zuban, the pollster. What voters are looking for has completely changed, she says.

Mr. Milei rose to fame with incendiary critiques of government policy on prime-time talk shows. He鈥檚 been repeating the same, increasingly vitriolic attacks on members of the 鈥減olitical caste鈥� for years, calling them 鈥減arasites,鈥� 鈥渦seless,鈥� and 鈥渃rooks鈥� who are entirely to blame for Argentina鈥檚 woes.聽

He founded La Libertad Avanza in 2021 and snagged 17% of the votes in midterm elections that same year, taking political office for the first time as a national legislator.

His platform is focused mostly on economic overhaul, promising to ditch the flagging Argentine peso for the U.S. dollar and to eliminate the Central Bank. He鈥檚 crafted a message that taps into the exhaustion felt by a society pummeled by skyrocketing inflation (124% over the past year) and a disintegrating local currency.

It resonates with young people in particular, especially young men, many of whom say they see no path to building a future here.

For Nestor Mart铆nez, a pizza-maker in his early 40s, it鈥檚 the fact that finally there鈥檚 a candidate 鈥減roposing different ideas鈥� that鈥檚 drawn him to Mr. Milei. Mr. Mart铆nez still identifies as a Peronist, but he says the political coalition moved too far to the left under Ms. Fern谩ndez de Kirchner, who ended her presidency in 2015 and currently serves as vice president.

鈥淲ork is the only thing that is going to take this country forward. We went too far to the other side,鈥� he says, referring to what he views as the proliferation of welfare policies here. A study by the Catholic University of Argentina found that at the end of 2022, more than half of all Argentines received some form of social assistance.

If he becomes president, Mr. Milei says he will dramatically cut social spending, slash taxes (which just last week he told Congress were a form of 鈥渢heft鈥� by the government), and abolish several government ministries, including the Ministry of Women, Genders and Diversity. His far-right policies also cut at the heart of some key pillars of Argentine society, including turning the once-prized public education system聽into one that uses vouchers and privatizing parts of the public health system.

He says he鈥檚 committed to rooting out 鈥渟ocial justice鈥� and socialism, which he says have 鈥渋nfected鈥� society. He has expressed support for the softening of gun laws and denies that climate change is real. On reproductive rights, he has pledged to hold a referendum to see if the country should reverse the legalization of abortion, which was a hard-fought victory by the Argentine feminist movement in 2020.聽

He鈥檚 an eccentric personality, with five cloned English mastiff dogs and a new relationship with an actress known for her impersonations of Ms. Fern谩ndez de Kirchner. Add on his hallmark incendiary comments attacking everyone from Pope Francis to government officials, and Mr. Milei fuels wall-to-wall media coverage.聽

Giving 鈥渃hange a chance鈥�?

Argentina鈥檚 views on progress have swung to different extremes repeatedly in the nation鈥檚 tumultuous history.

Following its last military dictatorship, which murdered thousands of political dissidents, public consensus grew around prioritizing human rights, civil liberties, and constitutional protections.

A decade later, Argentina lived through a neoliberal period of dramatic deregulation, including a policy that pegged the peso to the U.S. dollar and ended in economic and political disarray. The government defaulted on its international debt, ordinary Argentines lost their life savings, and social unrest gripped the country.

In the 2000s under the Kirchners, the country recovered with the help of a commodities boom, and it became more populist, expanded public spending, and implemented protectionist policies.

But Mr. Milei鈥檚 supporters aren鈥檛 looking for political common ground, says Ms. Zuban; they want a clean slate.聽

That sentiment reverberated outside the Central Bank last week, as people lined up for the launch of a book written by Ramiro Marra, La Libertad Avanza鈥檚 candidate running for mayor of the city of Buenos Aires.

鈥淚 think we need to give change a chance,鈥� says Sofia Tisera, a young medical student who now identifies as a libertarian thanks to Mr. Milei. 鈥淚鈥檓 really attracted to the dollarization plan. ... I think it will be very beneficial to Argentina.鈥澛�

She supports virtually all of Mr. Milei鈥檚 proposals, except his opposition to legal abortion. But, she says his approach of holding a referendum is the right one. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a very interesting space because nobody is judged; everyone is able to think freely,鈥� she says.

Others in line bemoan a state that has turned 鈥渢oo socialist,鈥� a society that has abandoned the idea of meritocracy, and a public education system many believe is falling apart.

Francisco Herrera, a Venezuelan immigrant whose been in Argentina for six years, says that as far as he is concerned, Mr. Milei 鈥渞epresents a radical change鈥� desperately needed here.

Argentina has a long history of swinging from one set of extreme policies to the next, so why not try something new, he asks?

鈥淣othing ventured,鈥� Mr. Herrera says, 鈥渘othing gained.鈥�