海角大神

Lorena Faria travelled more than 100 miles by bus last week to hunker down with thousands of protesters outside the metalworkers union headquarters in S茫o Bernardo do Campo, Brazil, in support of former President Luiz In谩cio Lula da Silva.

鈥淸He鈥檚] responsible for taking me out of my humble beginnings,鈥� says Ms. Faria, a Portuguese language teacher from the rural town of Capivari, and the first in her family to receive a university degree. She raises her fist and yells out in encouragement, 鈥淣o surrender!鈥�

But on Saturday, Lula, as the two-term president and former union boss is popularly known, did just that. He turned himself in for a 12-year prison sentence for corruption charges related to the sweeping Car Wash investigation into kickbacks, which has landed 123 politicians and business聽leaders behind bars with sentences totaling over 1,800 years.

Lula is the first former president in Brazil to be convicted of corruption, and arguably the most high-profile case in all of Latin America in recent years, overshadowing even scandals that led the president of Peru to step down just last month. In a moment when Latin Americans are taking to the streets to speak out against corruption, from Mexico to Argentina and Honduras to Brazil, Lula鈥檚 presence behind bars is symbolic of the region鈥檚 broader fight for transparency.

Voters across Latin America say they鈥檙e watching Brazil鈥檚 high-profile investigations and arrests with admiration 鈥� and in some cases, jealousy 鈥� for a judiciary that can hold the powerful accountable. But deep divisions have emerged in Brazil over the legitimacy of Lula鈥檚 arrest. It sheds an important light on the complicated and deep-seated nature of corruption here, and the politicization that many see motivating the judicial process.

鈥淧eople are fed up with corruption, but there鈥檚 a certain element of 鈥榯hey鈥檙e all corrupt,鈥� 鈥� says Christopher Sabatini, a Latin America lecturer at Columbia University and executive director of the regional analysis portal Global Americans. While leftists like Lula and former President Dilma Rousseff, who was impeached in 2016, have fallen from power over corruption, others like conservative President Michel Temer have been able to ride out serious allegations. The sense that corruption is everywhere gives more leeway to politicians like Lula, who may have a rap sheet, but also have a legacy of helping the poor, analysts say.

鈥淟ula is still remembered favorably by constituents who see his indictment and conviction as politically motivated. It reinforces the injustices many feel from the ruling class.鈥�

First-place prisoner

After four years of powerful Brazilians falling at the hands of the Car Wash scandal, Lula was convicted of corruption and money laundering last July. He is fighting the charges, claiming his innocence, but last week the Federal Supreme Court rejected his appeal to remain free while continuing to fight the rulings.

He was ordered to turn himself in for detention by Friday afternoon. But聽Lula defied authorities and hunkered down at the union headquarters, where he started out as a leader some 50 years ago. His ardent followers rallied around the building, with many tearfully swearing to prevent his arrest. 鈥淲e鈥檙e here and we鈥檙e not scared to fight,鈥� supporters chanted while waving Workers鈥� Party (PT) banners and keeping federal police at bay.

Many supporters acknowledge Lula鈥檚 conviction, but given the sweeping corruption surfacing in Brazil, those like Omar Aparecido, an unemployed civil engineer, feel Lula deserves a pass.

鈥淐orruption has stolen our economic future and livelihoods,鈥� says Mr. Aparecido, selling fruit sorbets to the hordes of Lula supporters over the weekend.

鈥淟osing my job isn鈥檛 Lula鈥檚 fault; it stems from the聽corrupt system that has been entrenched for decades in our society,鈥� he says. Although he鈥檚 against the 鈥渞ot鈥� of corruption 鈥� and acknowledges that Lula has been convicted of it 鈥� he believes the man who led Brazil between 2003 and 2010 is the only person who can 鈥渟top injustice in society from prevailing.鈥�

Lula was once dubbed 鈥渢he most popular politician on Earth,鈥� by former President Barack Obama. But his humble beginnings as the son of illiterate farmers and later a metalworkers鈥� union leader make his life story both relatable and aspirational.

His two terms in power are defined by progressive social programming and a booming economy. He is credited with helping lift some 20 million Brazilians out of poverty and into the middle class. He paid off Brazil鈥檚 International Monetary Fund debt in full and helped put Brazil on the geopolitical map, winning an Olympic bid and putting the nation forth as a an emerging economic power.

A January poll ahead of Brazil鈥檚 October presidential election showed Lula polling number one with roughly 34 percent support, according to S茫o Paulo-based research group Datafolha. Extreme right-wing candidate Sen. Jair Bolsonaro was second with roughly 16 percent support.

鈥淟ula may be considered corrupt,鈥� says Claudio Couto, a political scientist with the Get煤lio Vargas Foundation (FGV) in S茫o Paulo. But 鈥渨hen you consider that everyone is corrupt in our society, when one of the corrupt politicians presents you something that makes sense in terms of public policy and political ideology, then you say, 鈥榃ell, this guy is corrupt, but he is corrupt in a way that I can forgive and understand,鈥� 鈥� Mr. Couto says.

Brazil ranked聽96th out of 180 countries in Transparency International鈥檚 2017 Corruption Perception Index. Brazilians scored their public sector as a 37 on a scale of 0-100, where zero is 鈥渉ighly corrupt.鈥�

Lula argues his conviction is a political scheme designed to keep him out of presidential office. Important players have fallen on both sides of the political spectrum, but the timing of Lula鈥檚 imprisonment has some observers scratching their heads.

鈥淭he rush to put Lula behind bars is extraordinary. The judiciary leap-frogged some two hundred other cases to issue this arrest,鈥� says Gustavo Sampaio, a constitutional law professor at Fluminense University in Rio de Janeiro. 鈥淭he timing is an important key that opens the door to who becomes Brazil鈥檚 next president.鈥�

Interest and 'jealousy' abroad

Despite the political chasms in Brazil that have deepened with Lula鈥檚 detention, anti-corruption investigators and activists across the region are eagerly watching this process.

Salvador Camarena, an investigative journalist for the nongovernmental organization Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity, says those watching Brazil from afar are 鈥渢rying to see more than just the end of the movie.鈥�

That鈥檚 how he describes Brazil鈥檚 feat of putting a high-powered politician behind bars on corruption charges. But there were a lot of 鈥渟cenes鈥� that led to this point, and civil society in Mexico and elsewhere can learn from them.

鈥淲e are watching with interest, and in some moments with jealousy,鈥� Mr. Camarena says. 鈥淏ut we also try to remember that Brazil鈥檚 path has been carved out over many more years [than Mexico鈥檚 anti-corruption fight] through the construction of an independent system of prosecutors and judges with institutional strengthening,鈥� he says.

Mr. Sabatini says it鈥檚 not unusual to hear people in other Latin American countries look to Brazil with envy: 鈥淎t least Brazil is pursuing the corrupt鈥� is a common refrain, he says.

The irony is that a lot of strengthening of the judicial system took place under Workers鈥� Party leadership, which is important, he says. Five of the six justices that voted to deny Lula鈥檚 most recent appeal, for example, were appointed under PT leadership.

鈥淭he PT was sort of bitten by their own professionalized judiciary that they helped build,鈥� he says.

鈥淚t鈥檚 a success story.鈥�