海角大神

Moments after Argentina鈥檚 Congress passed a historic bill in April to nationalize the Spanish majority-owned oil company, YPF, a banner taking up half of the Congressional chamber was unfurled from the balcony. It depicted former President N茅stor Kirchner with his fist raised in the air victoriously.

The same banner was on view just a week earlier during a rally attended by 100,000 activists in support of 鈥渢he project鈥� 鈥� a left-wing political ideology implemented by Mr. Kirchner before his 2010 death, and continued today by his wife, Argentina鈥檚 current president, Cristina Fern谩ndez de Kirchner.

Both scenes were the work of La C谩mpora, a political youth movement 鈥� 30,000-strong and mostly under the age of 30 鈥� whose support for the president is unwavering.听

A continuation of the Peronist Youth to which Cristina and N茅stor belonged in the 1970s, La C谩mpora emphasizes Juan Domingo Per贸n鈥檚 fight for the poor and the Kirchners鈥� policies of social inclusion and state intervention.

But the group stands out for more than just its forthright display of solidarity: members are appointed high-ranking government positions, it is spearheaded by the Kirchners鈥� son, M谩ximo, and it is viewed as one of Ms. Fern谩ndez鈥檚 most significant political tools 鈥� one she desperately needs right now.

鈥楽oldiers of Cristina鈥�

听Fern谩ndez won a second term last October with 54 percent of the vote, but her approval rating has dropped to 39 percent, according to polls.

Argentina鈥檚 middle classes took to the streets in June to protest against alleged corruption 鈥� including a scandal involving the vice president 鈥� the soaring inflation rate, and new restrictions on buying dollars. The head of umbrella union CGT, Hugo Moyano 鈥� once a loyal supporter of the Kirchners 鈥� also formalized his split with Fern谩ndez during a rally last week, accusing her of 鈥渙verwhelming arrogance.鈥�

Today, Fern谩ndez鈥檚 bedrock of support is represented by la juventud or 鈥渢he youth鈥� and, specifically, by La C谩mpora.

The support the group drums up represents a 鈥渢heatrical fanaticism鈥� which a 鈥渄isjointed鈥� opposition cannot replicate, says Lucho Bugallo, founder of the website听Argentina contra K, Argentina against Kirchner.

Unlike the Young Republicans in America, a grassroots organization that backs the Republican Party, La C谩mpora is personalist. Just as the Peronist Youth fought for Per贸n鈥檚 return from exile, La C谩mpora activists call themselves 鈥渟oldiers of Cristina.鈥�

鈥楢 pillar鈥� of Kirchnerism

La C谩mpora is named after former President H茅ctor C谩mpora, who resigned after just 49 days in 1973 to facilitate Per贸n鈥檚 return to power. Its birth can be traced back to the economic crisis of 2001 where the saying Que se vayan todos 鈥� Away with them all 鈥� was employed by protesters who wanted to purge Argentine politics of its corrupt old-blood.

When N茅stor Kirchner became president in 2003, he committed to building a 鈥済enerational bridge鈥� between the government and young people, delegating the task to his only son, M谩ximo.听

Under Fern谩ndez, Kirchnerism 鈥� as her and N茅stor鈥檚 governing philosophy is called 鈥� has institutionalized that bridge and made youth one of the pillars of its political model.

Fern谩ndez鈥檚 alignment with the youth has altered the traditional foundation of Peronist support 鈥� the trade unions. Her running battle with Mr. Moyano had intensified in June with a national strike by truckers, which called on Fern谩ndez to raise the income tax floor.

The rupture with Moyano came after the death of N茅stor, under whose presidency his political influence had increased. But Fern谩ndez saw his power as excessive and cut his ties with Kirchnerism.

鈥淭he president has distanced herself from the unions in favor of a new loyal base whose ideas are entirely allied with the government,鈥� Leandro Bullor, an economic historian at the University of Buenos Aires, says.听

鈥淭o think differently [than] Cristina is scorned upon,鈥� Julio B谩rbaro, a leading Peronist figure and former culture secretary, said in a television debate.

La C谩mpora aspires to be an extension of the left-wing political movements of the '70s, such as the Montoneros, a Peronist guerrilla group obliterated by the military dictatorship, says Dr. Bullor. During Fern谩ndez鈥檚 speeches at the presidential palace, she often has to pause as activists who fill the back of the room declare themselves 鈥渟oldiers of Cristina鈥� and break into song about surviving the military鈥檚 executions 鈥� representative of their repudiation of the junta鈥檚 Dirty War against the left.听

Two members of La C谩mpora鈥檚 inner circle are children of 鈥渄isappeared鈥� parents and Hijos, an organization for young people with the same background, is strongly linked to the group.

Government presence

Critics accuse Fern谩ndez of choosing members of La C谩mpora for government posts, an 鈥渁nti-democratic鈥� process that contradicts the movement鈥檚 values, says听 Bullor.听

Axel Kicillof, for example, was appointed economy vice-minister in December and is today viewed as Kirchnerism鈥檚 鈥済olden boy.鈥� Mr. Kicillof, a neo-Keynesian economist, led the YPF intervention and was named by Fern谩ndez as the government鈥檚 main representative on its board. He was close to the president鈥檚 side once again as she announced a state mortgage credit plan last month.

Other leading members of La C谩mpora who hold legislative and government positions include the justice secretary; the CEO of Argentine Airlines, nationalized in 2008; two members of the lower house of Congress; and a deputy in the Buenos Aires government.听

鈥淢any people join the La C谩mpora as they see it as a route to public office,鈥� Mr. Bugallo says.

Fern谩ndez has defended the presence of La C谩mpora in her government. 鈥淭hey have just 29 posts out of nearly 30,000 in the whole country,鈥� she said in a recent speech.

A family affair

Despite having little experience in politics, the Kirchners鈥� son, M谩ximo, is widely believed to influence his mother. He does not hold elected office.

M谩ximo is a diffident figure and rarely heard in public. But in her recent book, La C谩mpora, author Laura Di Marco emphasizes the power he exerts. He told Fern谩ndez which members of the movement to put at the top of her Justicialist Party鈥檚 list of candidates before last October鈥檚 presidential and provincial elections, writes Ms. Di Marco.

However, Daniel Miguez, a former political editor at Clar铆n, a leading newspaper in Argentina, believes M谩ximo鈥檚 role is overstated by the anti-Kirchner media. 鈥淚 think the relationship is given more relevance than it ought to,鈥� Mr. Miguez says.

Today, La C谩mpora has turned N茅stor Kirchner into a mythical figure, accentuated by Fern谩ndez who refers to him simply as 鈥溍﹍鈥� or 鈥渉e." He is lauded by some for turning Argentina away from neoliberalism in favor of a model of social equality, and brought to justice the military dictators that 鈥渄isappeared鈥� 30,000 people in the 1970s.

鈥淣茅stor began the reconstruction of Argentina after it had been decimated by the dictatorship and by [former President] Carlos Menem鈥檚 privatizations in the 1990s,鈥� says a La C谩mpora member in Buenos Aires. He asked to remain anonymous because of restrictions on speaking to the media imposed by the group, renowned for its secrecy. 鈥淗e gave birth to this project and we believe in his fight against inequality.鈥�

La C谩mpora鈥檚 unrelenting poster campaigns cast N茅stor as Argentina鈥檚 savior 鈥� he appears as the Eternauta, a 1950s science fiction character who fought against aliens that invaded the capital.

Fern谩ndez reaches her term limit in 2015 and her search for an heir to continue 鈥渢he project鈥� her husband started will most likely end in a member of the group, according to Bullor.听

Midterm elections take place next year and it is widely reported that M谩ximo will run for the Justicialist Party as a candidate for Buenos Aires Province.听

鈥淐ristina will use the midterms to test the water,鈥� for a successor Bullor says. 鈥淎nd it鈥檚 probable that the Kirchnerist candidate for 2015 will come from La C谩mpora.鈥�