海角大神

Few places are as different as the country where Duma Boko was born in 1969 and the one where he became president last November.

He began life in one of the poorest nations on Earth, which had only two dozen university graduates and 7 miles of paved roads. Five decades later, the former human rights lawyer leads one of Africa鈥檚 most prosperous states, lauded for bucking what鈥檚 known as the 鈥渞esource curse鈥� and using its diamond deposits to vastly reduce poverty.

In fact, nearly all these two countries have in common is that they are both Botswana.

The southern African nation鈥檚 staggering transformation is synonymous with the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), which led the country uninterrupted for the first 58 years of its history.

But the ascent of Mr. Boko, a charismatic orator with a flair for promising to defend the downtrodden, reveals the cracks in Botswana鈥檚 miracle rags-to-riches story. While lauded for its economic boom and political stability, Botswana is also is one of the world鈥檚 most unequal countries. In recent years, as diamond prices have sputtered and the BDP government has repeatedly been caught up in major corruption scandals, Botswana鈥檚 youthful electorate has begun to search for alternatives to the party of their elders.

They found one in Mr. Boko, who has pledged to distribute the country鈥檚 wealth more equally and end its overreliance on diamonds. 鈥淭here is no powerful guy here; together we are powerful,鈥� he said shortly after his election.

Diamonds are a country鈥檚 best friend

Mr. Boko鈥檚 personal story, in many ways, marches in step with that of Botswana鈥檚.

The son of a schoolteacher, he was born in a village called Mahalapye in 1969, just three years after Botswana鈥檚 independence from Britain.

At the time, the vast majority of citizens of the sparsely populated, arid country were illiterate, and the government relied on British aid for almost half of its budget. But Botswana鈥檚 first president, an Oxford-educated member of a local royal family named Seretse Khama, had a vision for a way out.

He invited the mining magnate De Beers to scour the country for diamonds, and when聽it found them the year after independence, he struck a deal giving Botswana鈥檚 government a 50% stake in the company鈥檚 local operations. By the 1980s, Botswana was one of the world鈥檚 top diamond producers, with a correspondingly high rate of economic growth.

Mr. Boko grew up against the backdrop of this social revolution, a studious child with a sensitive moral compass. 鈥淗e was so fixated on doing the right thing,鈥� his cousin Nomsa Gosenyaphuti told a local news outlet ahead of the election. She recalls that other children called him Rra Melao, or Mr. Laws.

Mr. Boko鈥檚 interest in justice pushed him to pursue law, first on a government scholarship at the University of Botswana and later at Harvard. For several years, he ran a law firm in Botswana that took on many human rights cases.

In 2006, Mr. Boko gained national acclaim as part of the legal team that won a landmark case allowing the San, a traditionally nomadic hunter-gatherer group, to stay on land the government had earmarked for tourism and mining.

Mr. Boko鈥檚 experience with human rights eventually inspired him to go into politics, he explained to his biographer, Richard Khumoekae. (Through his press officer, Mr. Boko declined an interview for this story.)

In 2014, he became the leader of the Botswana National Front (BNF), the country鈥檚 main opposition party.

A moment of change

As leader of the BNF, Mr. Boko ran unsuccessfully for president twice, in 2014 and 2019. But in 2024, the electorate 鈥� like that of dozens of other countries that went to the polls last year 鈥撀爓as fed up with how its leadership had handled a faltering economy.

In Botswana, as in nearby South Africa and Mozambique, voters were beginning to sour on the party of their liberation.

For a long time, 鈥淚t was entrenched in our minds that BDP was the first democratically elected party, so we should go with it all the time,鈥� says Balesetse Taukobong, a businessman and longtime BDP voter. This election, though, he cast his ballot for Mr. Boko and the BNF.

Mr. Boko rode the wave of discontent to victory. On Oct. 30, voters handed a landslide mandate to the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), a coalition made up of the BNF and three other parties. Combined, they won 36 of the country鈥檚 61 elected parliamentary seats. The BDP, meanwhile, took just four.

The road ahead

In a country where political leadership long felt unchangeable, Mr. Boko鈥檚 victory has inspired widespread excitement. Months after the election, that energy still fizzes in the capital, Gaborone, where it is common to see people sporting T-shirts handed out on the campaign trail emblazoned with Mr. Boko鈥檚 beaming face. 鈥淥n some days I wash my UDC T-shirt in the evening, hang it to dry overnight, and wear it in the morning,鈥� says Thapelo Kegakile, a taxi owner and driver.

However, Mr. Boko is unlikely to be able to ride this Barack Obama-like wave of excitement forever.

鈥淗e has his work cut out for him,鈥� says David Sebudubudu, a professor of political science at the University of Botswana. 鈥淗e has to tread carefully to avoid overpromising and underdelivering.鈥�

Among other things, Mr. Boko has pledged to increase social grants to new mothers, pensioners, and people with disabilities, and to increase the minimum wage.

But much of his ability to make good on his promises depends on the precious stones buried beneath Botswana鈥檚 scrubby grasslands. Diamond sales still account for 80% of the country鈥檚 exports, a situation that has become increasingly precarious as the stone鈥檚 price has faltered in recent years. Mr. Boko has promised to diversify the economy, suggesting, among other things, that Botswana legalize marijuana and hemp production.

鈥淚 can only pledge to [the people] that I will do my very best,鈥� he stated in his first comments to the media after taking office. 鈥淲here I fail and fault, I will look to them for guidance.鈥�