海角大神

Gilchrist Olympio survived a bloody ambush on his motorcade, escaped from a coup that saw his father 鈥� Togo鈥檚 first post-independence leader 鈥� gunned down at the door of the American embassy, and then he later managed to avoid two death sentences pronounced by the country's courts.聽

Now, as the perpetual leader of tiny Togo鈥檚 political opposition, Mr. Olympio is still out on the campaign trail for parliamentary elections Thursday.

He is preaching about a new era for this troubled west African country that, since 1967, been ruled by a family dynasty.

鈥淚鈥檝e always done it,鈥� Olympio says of campaigning, which he now does in a caravan of pickup trucks and SUVs. 鈥淣ow it鈥檚 become legal.鈥�

It used to be that Olympio snuck campaign literature across the border from Ghana. But his supporters now cheerfully approach the Olympio caravan on motorbikes decorated with stalks of grass. 鈥淭he people of my party want me to be active,鈥� he says.

With voters heading to the polls to decide on the balance of power in the country鈥檚 parliament, Togo just might be taking its first steps to shake control from the Gnassingb茅 family.

That family dynasty鈥檚 crackdowns on opposition have resulted in Togo being marginalized amid an increasingly democratic and economically vibrant west Africa.

The current president, Faure Gnassingb茅, was shoehorned into office in 2005 in the wake of bloody violence between the military and street protesters, who say that the son's ascension into power after father鈥檚 death was unconstitutional.

If opposition parties tomorrow gain control of parliament 鈥� and set aside their differences 鈥� the parliament may pass reforms to check Mr. Gnassingb茅鈥檚 power and perhaps disqualify him for elections in 2015.

Olympio himself, as one of the most senior opposition activists, has long been at the center of efforts to unseat the Gnassingb茅 rulers. But age and political missteps may damage Olympio's clout.

Significantly, Olympio joined a unity government with Gnassingb茅 in 2010. Rival opposition figures called him a sell-out. That led to a split in his own party that may undermine their chances in parliament.

鈥淎t some stage you have to stop looking in the rear mirror, and look forward,鈥� Olympio says. 鈥淎nd that鈥檚 what we鈥檙e trying to do.鈥�

Since becoming independent from France in 1960, democracy for the sliver-shaped Togo has been fraught and fleeting.

Olympio鈥檚 father, Sylvanus Olympio, sat in office for three years before soldiers loyal to Etienne聽Gnassingb茅 Eyad茅ma, the current president鈥檚 father, staged a coup and gunned the elder Olympio down as he tried to seek refuge in the American embassy in the capital Lom茅.

Four years later, President Eyad茅ma overthrew Mr. Olympio鈥檚 successor, seized power, and ruled Togo for almost 40 years. Along the way, he cultivated a personality cult, one replete with monuments to his deeds that he scattered around the country, along with a tall folk tale that he had survived a plane crash because he was invulnerable.

The elder Gnassingb茅, Eyad茅ma,聽who died in 2005, was not kind to the younger Olympio, who had survived his father鈥檚 murder, fled the country, and became known as public enemy No. 1 in Togo.

Twice Olympio was sentenced to death in absentia. After a 1992 amnesty he returned from exile in Europe and other African nations. But while campaigning in the north, a hit squad riddled Olympio鈥檚 car with bullets, sending him back into exile abroad.

鈥淓yad茅ma was bad. He鈥檚 a page that everybody wants turned once and for all,鈥� Olympio says in an interview.

He has nicer things to say about the son, the current president, who he considers well-read and accommodating. 鈥淵ou can argue cases with him,鈥� Olympio says.

He describes their current political coalition as fruitful, and a way to get Togo鈥檚 economy back on track again after the 2005 political crisis.

Olympio envisions a Togo of flower plantations and increased coffee and cocoa exports, where container ships line up to unload at west Africa鈥檚 only natural deep-water port, just to the east of the capital.

But to some of his supporters, joining with Gnassingb茅 was anathema. Jean-Pierre Fabre, an important ally, left Olympio鈥檚 party to form his own opposition group, which is expected to make considerable gains in parliament.

鈥淔or some members of the opposition, he鈥檚 joined Gnassingb茅鈥檚 force,鈥� said Dany Ayida, a Togolese civil society activist. 鈥淥lympio is a businessman. Politically, he has lost.鈥�

Even in Olympio鈥檚 ranks there are whispers that it鈥檚 time to find someone else to head up his United Forces for Change party, perhaps someone younger.

鈥淗e has the support of the people,鈥� says Noms Mohammed, as he watches Olympio at his second stop of the day, a stump speech held in a dirt field an hour鈥檚 drive south of Kpele Adeta. Mr. Mohammed wants to vote for Olympio鈥檚 party but isn't as keen about the party leader. 鈥淗e鈥檚 old鈥�. They must appoint a new flagbearer,鈥� he says.聽

Olympio's next move must be decided before the presidential polls in two years time. Unlike the vast Gnassingb茅 family, the only child he has to draw on for a legacy is his daughter, who is married, living in the United States, and disinterested in Togolese politics, according to Olympio.

鈥淚鈥檓 not very young,鈥� he replied when asked if he鈥檒l make another presidential try after being prevented from running so many times.

鈥淎s they say, old soldiers don鈥檛 die, they just fade away. You don鈥檛 quit.鈥�