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Are 2014 midterms really a referendum on President Obama?

President Obama's name won't be on the ballot this November, though his impact will be felt. Still, there are other factors more central to the parties' prospects when it comes time to vote.

By Linda Feldmann, Staff writer
Washington

There鈥檚 no doubt that the Obama brand is a bit dinged up ahead of the 2014 midterms. Democrats running in red states aren鈥檛 exactly begging President Obama to come stump for them. Many are openly disdaining his policies, and the last thing they want is a visual reminder of the man associated with an unpopular health care reform and sluggish economy.

But are the Nov. 4 elections really a referendum on Mr. Obama? The latest Pew Research Center/USA Today poll suggests not. More than half of registered voters 鈥 54 percent 鈥 say that Obama will not be a factor in their vote this fall. Still, 26 percent do see their vote as a vote against him, while only 16 percent see it as a vote for the president.

In February 2010 鈥 as the 鈥渨ave鈥 was forming that would toss Democrats out of power in the House later that year 鈥 24 percent of voters said their vote was for Obama and 20 percent said they were voting against him.

Democratic pollster Geoff Garin notes that in October 2010 the percentage of voters who said Obama would not be a factor was 12 percentage points lower than it is now.

鈥淲hen voters think about politics and what's wrong with Washington today, Obama is not the first thing that comes to mind 鈥 it's the frustration with Congress, gridlock, and ultra-partisanship,鈥 Mr. Garin says.

But Obama may well be part of that calculation 鈥 both for voters who want more opposition to his policies on Capitol Hill and for voters who want more support. A majority (53 percent) told Pew that control of Congress would be a factor in their vote. More Republicans (59 percent) feel that way than Democrats (52 percent).

Republicans also beat Democrats in the 鈥済eneric ballot鈥 by four points, 47 percent to 43 percent, the biggest such advantage for Republicans in at least two decades, USA Today reported. That bodes well for Republicans鈥 hopes of adding to their majority in the House and winning the six seats need to take control of the Senate.

The Pew poll contained a few slim reeds of hope for the Democrats.

鈥淲hile Democrats face a number of possible disadvantages in the fall, their party鈥檚 congressional leaders continue to be viewed less negatively than GOP leaders,鈥 Pew reported. 鈥淛ust 23 percent of the public approves of the way Republican leaders in Congress are handling their jobs while nearly three times as many (68 percent) disapprove. Job ratings for Democratic leaders, while hardly robust, are not as bad: 32 percent approve of their job performance while 60 percent disapprove.鈥

And in the end, Americans don鈥檛 vote on a generic ballot, they vote for or against specific candidates. The real issue for Democrats is whether they can motivate their voters to show up at the polls. Party leaders say they will use the same turnout techniques that worked for Obama in 2012 to get their voters to the polls in 2014. But they face a daunting task. 聽

Some of the Democrats鈥 most reliable supporters in presidential years 鈥 single women, minorities, and young voters 鈥 vote in much lower numbers when the midterms roll around. A recent Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll showed some stark data about the so-called 鈥渄ropoff voters鈥: 61 percent are female and 35 percent are between the ages of 18 and 34. In partisan terms, 51 percent of 鈥渄ropoffs鈥 are Democrats, 17 percent are independents, and 25 percent are Republicans.

The name of the game, therefore, is GOTV 鈥 鈥済et out the vote.鈥 That means recruiting volunteers and raising enough money to pay for the staff and infrastructure needed to get dropoff voters to turn out. 聽聽

鈥淭his is why it鈥檚 not intensity scores on polls but rather the bustle of field offices and the sums on fund-raising reports that are the best guide to the Democrats鈥 midterm prospects,鈥 writes Sasha Issenberg in The New Republic.