When fighting bureaucracy means disbanding a pandemics office
In fulfilling his promises to streamline bureaucracy, President Trump disbanded the pandemics office. But the coronavirus crisis raises new questions.
In fulfilling his promises to streamline bureaucracy, President Trump disbanded the pandemics office. But the coronavirus crisis raises new questions.
When PBS journalist Yamiche Alcindor recently asked President Donald Trump about his decision to disband the National Security Council鈥檚 office for pandemics, Mr. Trump said the question was 鈥渘asty.鈥澛犅犅犅犅犅犅
But it pointed to a fundamental tension in Mr. Trump鈥檚 view of government. Can he 鈥渟treamline鈥 a government that he feels has become too bloated while maintaining its ability to act effectively?
The administration sees this as essential work, returning the NSC to its core function as an advisory body of several executive branch secretaries serving the president 鈥 instead of a growing bureaucracy pursuing a variety of agendas.
[Editor鈥檚 note: As a public service,聽all our coronavirus coverage聽is free. No paywall.]
But some former NSC officers from both Republican and Democratic administrations worry that Mr. Trump has cut into the meat of the NSC. The disbanding of the pandemics office in 2018 under John Bolton, which was then folded into a broader directorate on issues such as nuclear proliferation and terrorism, shows the costs of such downsizing, they say.
鈥淲e live in an era of recurrent crises of this kind [like coronavirus] that come with greater velocity, greater impact, and cost, and we need a facility within ... the White House that has the authority to see around corners, see things early, act very quickly, and bring about accountability and coordination of the U.S. response,鈥 says Stephen Morrison, director of the Global Health Policy Center at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. 鈥淭hat has been missing鈥 with the disbanding of the White House pandemics office.
鈥淪ome of the sluggishness and confusion that we have seen bedevil this effort since the very beginning ... [is connected to the] absence of effective structures within the White House itself,鈥 he adds.
That鈥檚 because a pandemics office could have filled a vital role from the first moments of the crisis 鈥 coordination. Organizations had to spend valuable time getting on the same page.
鈥淚n a crisis like this you don鈥檛 go to HHS [Health and Human Services] and ask them to manage it. You go to the White House where presumably you have the expertise developed to work across all the relevant agencies,鈥 says Peter Feaver, who was a strategic planner for President George W. Bush鈥檚 NSC.
鈥淐an you invent it as a posse at the last minute? Yes,鈥 he adds, 鈥淏ut would it be more effective if it鈥檚 already on the spot? Yes. And it could act faster.鈥
Moreover, when the pandemics group was moved into a larger directorate, it lost expertise. 鈥淎mid a pandemic, we should prefer a team with sufficient seniority to guarantee access and trust,鈥 says Loren DeJonge Schulman, the NSC鈥檚 director of defense policy during President Barack Obama鈥檚 first term. 鈥淭hese are not matters you want to learn on the job in crisis.鈥
The National Institutes of Health leader who has become a fixture at daily White House coronavirus briefings acknowledges the team鈥檚 absence is felt.聽鈥淚t would be nice if the office was still there,鈥澛燚r. Anthony Fauci, director of the NIH鈥檚 National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, told Congress March 11.聽
What is the NSC for?
To Mr. Trump, however, the NSC had become something that was never intended. National security adviser Robert O鈥橞rien said recently that the NSC had 鈥渂allooned鈥 to 250 staff members under President Obama. Mr. O鈥橞rien reduced it to 175 when he took his job, and it is now at 110, he added.
鈥淭he NSC is not there to re-create the State Department or the Pentagon鈥 within the White House, he said.
But in shrinking, the NSC has become too much of a 鈥測es, sir鈥 body that tells the president what he wants to hear, says Ms. DeJonge Schulman, who is now a national security expert at the Center for a New American Security in Washington.
鈥淭he NSC staff is not there to implement the president鈥檚 every desire, but to make sure he has the best options, evaluation or risk and cost, and perspective on agency views,鈥 she adds.
Some also suspect that the downsizing aims to reduce the number of career officials 鈥 the 鈥渄eep state鈥 鈥 seeing them not as a source of expertise but as a potential den of disloyalty.
鈥淚t鈥檚 just not the case that the NSC O鈥橞rien took over was too big, especially given the complexity and variety of issues the president has to deal with,鈥 says Mr. Feaver, who is now a public policy professor at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. 鈥淲hat is the case is that Trump didn鈥檛 think he needed any NSC staff.鈥
Mr. Trump鈥檚 impeachment was largely launched by a whistleblower assigned to the White House from an outside agency 鈥 the CIA. The president鈥檚 preoccupation with 鈥渢he agencies鈥 suggests to Mr. Feaver that the streamlining 鈥渋s fueled by the same mindset that gives him concern about the so-called deep state, but it reflects a high level of insecurity and a unilateral approach to loyalty.鈥
Golden days
For his part, Mr. O鈥橞rien says he is trying to return the NSC to the model created by the legendary Brent Scowcroft under President George H.W. Bush 鈥 a focus on implementing the president鈥檚 policies.
鈥淚f you can鈥檛 get on board with [the president], you鈥檙e probably better off back in your agency or ... running for Congress,鈥 he told a crowd at the Heritage Foundation to laughter.
But others have a different view of Mr. Scowcroft鈥檚 legacy. Under Mr. Obama, National security adviser Susan Rice 鈥渂elieved the NSC staff should focus on coordinating policy and advising the president, not implementation that should go to agencies 鈥 a fundamentally Scowcroftian view,鈥 says Ms. DeJonge Schulman.
Ms. Rice, too, undertook a 鈥渞ight-sizing effort,鈥 worried that the NSC had begun taking over agency duties. But the NSC鈥檚 key role was 鈥渕aking sure agency perspectives get a fair hearing and fair evaluation with the president,鈥 Ms. DeJonge Schulman adds.
Beyond that, there are limits to a model from three decades ago.
鈥淏rent Scowcroft didn鈥檛 need an office on cyber, but it鈥檚 a necessity now,鈥 says Mr. Feaver. 鈥淚n the same way, the judgment was made at some point that pandemics were going to become a bigger problem in our current time and so necessitated more high-level attention at the White House.鈥
To him, 鈥渢hat view has been borne out.鈥
[Editor鈥檚 note: As a public service,聽all our coronavirus coverage聽is free. No paywall.]