海角大神

Hypocrisy in politics is a time-honored tradition. Republicans slam Democrats for doing and saying the very things they once did and said, and vice versa.聽

Years before he became president, Donald Trump聽railed against聽President Barack Obama鈥檚 aggressive use of executive power. Today, President Trump faces criticism for doing the same. President Obama ramped up drone attacks against militants and terrorists, but when Mr. Trump ordered the killing by drone of Iraqi Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who had much American blood on his hands, Democrats cried foul.聽

In 1998, Democratic Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York聽declared聽the impeachment of President Bill Clinton 鈥渁n undoing of a national election.鈥� Today, Republicans say the same of Democrats over the Trump impeachment, which Congressman Nadler 鈥� now Judiciary Committee chairman 鈥� calls 鈥渋mperative.鈥�

The list is endless. And the rise of the internet, which captures every tweet and video clip in perpetuity, makes it easier than ever to catch hypocrites in the act. Which is pretty much every politician, and plenty of voters too.聽

But today, it seems, hypocrisy is particularly rampant 鈥� and there鈥檚 a reason. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a function of our extreme partisan polarization, and really, it justifies anything,鈥� says Larry Sabato, director of the University of Virginia Center for Politics. 鈥淗ypocrisy is the lifeblood of politics.鈥澛�

In behaving hypocritically, each political 鈥渢ribe鈥� can argue it is serving a greater good: the furthering of its political goals. During his impeachment, liberal feminists stood by President Bill Clinton, despite his predatory history toward women. His support for women鈥檚 rights won him a pass from them.聽

For Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, it meant blocking an Obama Supreme Court pick in 2016, saying voters should have input in an election year. Yet when asked more recently if the Senate would consider a high court nominee if there鈥檚 a vacancy in 2020, Senator McConnell didn鈥檛 hesitate:聽鈥淥h, we鈥檇 fill it,鈥澛爃e said, to the surprise of no one.

鈥淚t is pragmatic for politicians to act like hypocrites during periods of hyperpartisanship, since they otherwise might be harassed or expelled from their group for disloyalty,鈥� writes Jay Van Bavel, an associate professor of psychology at New York University, in an email.聽

Indeed, the only House Republican to call for impeachment proceedings against Mr. Trump, Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan, was so ostracized by fellow Republicans that he quit the party and became an independent.聽

All the hypocrisy may seem enough to make one cynical. And some may wonder if the level of hypocrisy, on both sides, has reached the point where voters will just disengage.

That鈥檚 hardly likely, political analysts say, given the strong views about Mr. Trump, for and against. Witness the big turnout during the 2018 midterm elections 鈥� 49.2% of eligible voters, the highest recorded rate for a midterm since 1914.聽

Turnout in November could shatter modern records. But no matter the winner, expectations are low that today鈥檚 hyperpartisanship will end anytime soon. A recent Battleground Poll, sponsored by Georgetown University, found that聽the average American voter believes聽the nation is two-thirds of the way to the edge of civil war.

The poll also showed that voters hold contradictory views on what they鈥檙e looking for: More than 80% agree that political leaders should strive for 鈥渃ompromise and common ground鈥� 鈥� but they鈥檙e also 鈥渢ired of leaders compromising their values and ideals and want leaders who will stand up to the other side.鈥澛�

The current standoff over impeachment presents a singular test of America鈥檚 ability to self-govern, as established norms 鈥� such as cooperating with subpoenas 鈥� fall by the wayside, says Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania.聽

鈥淲e鈥檙e seeing a point at which we鈥檙e calling into question whether our institutions can function the way they were intended to function in a polarized age,鈥� Professor Jamieson says.聽

But in other ways, commonly cited examples of hypocrisy may in fact represent a misunderstanding of the people who hold seemingly contradictory views. Strong support for Mr. Trump by white Evangelicals is one case, Ms. Jamieson says.聽

Mr. Trump鈥檚 morally dubious past, including marital infidelity and vulgar talk about women, may seem to disqualify him from support by religious conservatives. But that ignores the edict to 鈥渉ate the sin, love the sinner鈥� and the biblical tradition of forgiveness.聽

Furthermore, Ms. Jamieson notes, Mr. Trump is delivering for this key constituency 鈥� foremost, nominating anti-abortion judges.聽鈥淗e鈥檚 running on promises kept,鈥� she says. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 the opposite of hypocrisy.鈥澛�

The forgiveness argument plays down the recent mini-revolt within the evangelical world, as seen in the recent editorial in 海角大神ity Today supporting Trump鈥檚 impeachment and removal from office, citing 鈥済ross immorality and ethical incompetence.鈥� The editor-in-chief, Mark Galli, argued for consistency; the publication had supported impeachment for both President Richard Nixon and Mr. Clinton, also on moral grounds. But the Trump editorial was met with vocal opposition from white Evangelicals and only quiet praise 鈥� though the magazine did net 3,000 new subscriptions.

To Republican elites who oppose Mr. Trump, and are working for his defeat in November, evangelical supporters are a prime target.

The聽first video聽produced by the so-called Lincoln Project sews together clips of Mr. Trump speaking of faith 鈥� including his Jan. 3 address to Evangelicals in Miami 鈥� with clips of him crudely attacking opponents.

But such activism may be counterproductive. When presented with contradictory information, people are motivated to reduce feelings of discomfort, and 鈥渕ay therefore double down on their beliefs or ignore evidence that their behavior is inconsistent with the past,鈥� says Professor Van Bavel, an expert on the聽鈥減artisan brain.鈥澛�

鈥淯nder conditions of polarization there is a strong pressure to follow the leader,鈥� Mr. Van Bavel says. 鈥淭his is especially true for people who have authoritarian tendencies. They loyally follow the leader and pressure others to follow the leader as well.鈥澛�

Positions on issues 鈥� except for abortion 鈥� almost become secondary. 鈥淓verything is seen through the lens of how you view Trump,鈥� says Republican pollster David Winston.聽

That explains how the president has been able to bend Republicans to new positions on tariffs, foreign policy, rising debt and deficits, and immigration. Amid polarization, there鈥檚 little room for dissent.

鈥淭rump is partly a cause and partly a consequence of polarization,鈥� says Mr. Van Bavel. 鈥淗e was voted into office by the overwhelming support of Republicans, in part because many of them did not want to support a Democrat.鈥�

鈥淥nce in office, Trump has been aggressively partisan in many of his actions,鈥� he continues. 鈥淭his has ensured that he maintains the fierce support of Republicans, even as it undercuts any potential support he might obtain from Democrats or independents. We are in a vicious cycle of hyperpartisanship that is self-reinforcing.鈥�