海角大神

It didn鈥檛 take long Thursday night, at a rally in Cincinnati, for President Donald Trump to pull out his favorite punching bag: America鈥檚 big, diverse cities, most of them run by 鈥淒emocrat politicians鈥� and harmed by 鈥渢he far left鈥檚 destructive agenda.鈥�

As he has all week, President Trump singled out Baltimore. He didn鈥檛 name names, but he didn鈥檛 have to. The president has been punching hard at Democratic Rep. Elijah Cummings of Maryland, who represents much of Baltimore 鈥� and whose congressional committee recently approved subpoenas for Mr. Trump鈥檚 daughter and son-in-law. On Friday morning, he tweet-trolled Congressman Cummings over an intruder who entered his Baltimore home last weekend.

That Mr. Cummings is African American is lost on no one. And following the president鈥檚 tirades against four minority female freshmen in Congress, known as 鈥渢he squad,鈥� the politics of race is aflame like at no other time in Mr. Trump鈥檚 presidency.

鈥淭he pattern Trump is following with Elijah Cummings is the same as with the squad,鈥� says Ian Haney L贸pez, a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and an author of books on the politics of race. 鈥淭hat is, go after a Democratic politician of color and slander them in terms that are highly racialized but that still allow a modicum of deniability. That鈥檚 dog whistle politics.鈥�

And, Mr. Haney says, it could win Mr. Trump reelection by keeping his base supporters energized. But if it turns off enough suburban and blue-collar women who might otherwise support him, particularly in battleground states, the strategy could backfire.

鈥淭here鈥檚 no question that in his approach to Cummings, he鈥檚 walking a tightrope,鈥� says GOP strategist Ford O鈥機onnell. 鈥淏ut at the same time, he cannot allow unfettered media coverage to call him racist and a Russian puppet without making the case that the policies that are being prescribed by the very people who are calling him racist have let down Democratic voters and particularly minorities.鈥�

Indeed, Mr. Trump鈥檚 pitch to African Americans in 2016 was essentially 鈥渨hat have you got to lose?鈥� And while he won only 8% of the black vote, that was better than 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney鈥檚 6%. Today, Mr. Trump touts criminal justice reform and low African American unemployment in his messaging to black voters.

But even with a strong economy, which would normally put a first-term president in strong position for reelection, Mr. Trump鈥檚 racially divisive rhetoric is already alienating voters in key electoral battlegrounds. Take Ann Pigeon, a businesswoman in suburban Atlanta and a fiscal conservative who voted libertarian in 2016 and was willing to consider Mr. Trump in 2020, until his rhetoric about 鈥渞at-infested鈥� Baltimore and warnings over socialism. His comments strike her as desperate attempts to talk past Americans like her.

鈥淪ure, I care about the economy, but he鈥檚 not the only one who can manage it,鈥� says Ms. Pigeon. 鈥淚 have given him a chance, I have watched, and I have one answer to whether or not I will give him my vote: hell, no. He has proven himself unworthy.鈥�

This week鈥檚 spree of attacks on Mr. Cummings and Baltimore shines a spotlight on a long Republican practice of throwing shade at cities, many of them under decadeslong Democratic rule. Mr. Trump鈥檚 supporters say that it鈥檚 not about race 鈥� he鈥檚 just calling out the failures of liberal governance.

Mr. Trump himself points to a 2015 speech by Sen. Bernie Sanders, in which the social democrat from Vermont compared living conditions in Baltimore to a 鈥渢hird-world country.鈥� The context, however, is completely different. Senator Sanders was denouncing income inequality and linking it to structural racism, not blaming the residents or elected officials.

In going after Mr. Cummings, Mr. Trump takes his critique one step further: It鈥檚 the congressman who鈥檚 the racist, not himself. Mr. Haney says this is the classic pattern: Don鈥檛 just play defense, go on offense.

鈥淲hat we鈥檙e seeing with the attack on the squad and on Elijah Cummings is a purposeful strategy to make the public face of the Democratic Party people of color,鈥� he says. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 how Trump did really well in 2016,鈥� by running against both President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, 鈥渨ho had a strong racial justice message.鈥�

Range of Republican reaction

Mr. Trump鈥檚 rhetorical approach has sparked a range of reactions among Republicans. On Thursday night, late-night TV host Seth Meyers asked Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, a popular moderate Republican in a blue state, about his 鈥渨eak鈥� response to Mr. Trump鈥檚 attacks on Baltimore. The governor pleaded for calm.

鈥淭he last thing I need to do is have more angry reaction to the angry reaction, back and forth,鈥� Governor Hogan replied. 鈥淟et鈥檚 stop all the tweeting. Let鈥檚 focus on how we鈥檙e going to solve some of these problems by working together.鈥�

The GOP is also seeing a wave of retirements by House members, a blow to the party鈥檚 chances of retaking the House next year. Some are explicitly mentioning the rhetorical climate in Washington in their announcements. Among the retirees are two of House Republicans鈥� 13 women members and the party鈥檚 only African American member, Rep. Will Hurd of Texas. Congressman Hurd was one of four House Republicans who voted last month for a resolution denouncing Trump tweets against the squad as racist.聽

Cities facing real issues

In Democrat-dominated New York City, Mayor Bill de Blasio is facing pushback from constituents over his run for president and his plan to open a homeless shelter on 鈥淏illionaire鈥檚 Row.鈥� A group bought billboard space in Iowa, where the mayor has been campaigning, that reads, 鈥淗ey, Bill de Blasio! It鈥檚 New York ... Remember Us?鈥�

Indeed, the public relations stunt calls attention to a real issue: that homelessness is on the rise in New York 鈥� a city once run by Republican Trump ally Rudy Giuliani 鈥� and that there are legitimate critiques of Democratic rule in American cities, regardless of leaders鈥� race.

But that doesn鈥檛 make life easier for urban Republicans in the Trump era.

鈥淚 think President Trump鈥檚 words over the past two weeks have been very polarizing,鈥� says Juan Carlos 鈥淛.C.鈥� Polanco, a New York attorney and son of Dominican immigrants who has run for office. He鈥檚 known as 鈥渢he Hispanic voice of New York Republicans.鈥�

鈥淚 grew up in the inner city, so I understand the issues of poverty and violence, drugs and gangs, and even rodents in the inner city, something that is prevalent,鈥� Mr. Polanco says. 鈥淏ut it鈥檚 one thing to point that out, and to talk about solutions to solve those issues, and it鈥檚 another thing to use it to disparage people, and the people that represent those areas.鈥�

For Democrats in New York who are willing to see Mr. Trump with some nuance, any possibility of supporting the president is snuffed out by his rhetoric. Eduardo Giraldo, a small-business owner in Queens and pro-growth Democrat, gives Mr. Trump credit for standing up to China on trade practices. But the president鈥檚 rhetoric toward the squad and black members of Congress, he says, is 鈥渞acist.鈥�

鈥淗is actions, his words, are really divisive,鈥� says Mr. Giraldo. 鈥淗e鈥檚 polarizing the country in a very concerning way in a lot of different aspects 鈥� the social aspects of the country, from the political divisions to economics.鈥澛�

鈥淗e is right, you know鈥�

In suburban Alpharetta, Georgia, located in the state鈥檚 6th Congressional District 鈥� which went Democratic last November by a nose 鈥� women voters in particular are being watched for their reactions to Mr. Trump鈥檚 rhetoric. Some, like Ms. Pigeon, see it as a disqualifier. But others think he鈥檚 spot on.

When Marilyn Ford points, she might as well be pointing with President Trump鈥檚 finger.

鈥淗e is right, you know,鈥� says the silver-haired septuagenarian, referring to Mr. Trump鈥檚 recent racially tainted fusillades on liberal cities, which have in the past included Democratic Rep. John Lewis鈥� urban Atlanta district.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think he鈥檚 racist, and I don鈥檛 want to be racist, but I look at these places like Baltimore and I see black politicians lining their pockets. And the crime: There鈥檚 murders every night down in Atlanta.鈥� (In fact, Atlanta had 93 murders in 2017, according to the FBI, near historic lows.)

Ms. Ford is a stalwart of these once reliably conservative northern Atlanta suburbs. Former GOP House Speaker Newt Gingrich hatched the Contract With America here, amid the horse farms.

Yet it is a microcosm of the central Trump argument about the failures of Democratic leadership 鈥� particularly black officials like Mr. Lewis and Mr. Cummings.

鈥淗e is standing up to what I think my grandchildren will see and I won鈥檛 be around for, socialism,鈥� she says.

It is a battleground where 鈥渢he shooting would start if they were to impeach him,鈥� Ms. Ford frets. Her friends 鈥� 鈥渁ll old like me鈥� 鈥� agree. Mr. Trump鈥檚 mouth is a growing liability, and upsets her Southern sensibilities. 鈥淭here鈥檚 no need to be rude to people,鈥� she says. Yet she also appreciates his candor, his directness, his willingness to attack for people like her.

鈥淚 appreciate that he sticks up for us,鈥� she says.