海角大神

To understand what it鈥檚 like to be a Republican in California today, spend some time in Huntington Beach.

In January, Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a lawsuit against this once solidly Republican community for violating a state law to allow听more housing. The suit came on the heels of the city鈥檚 courtroom victory claiming exemption from California鈥檚 鈥渟anctuary state鈥� law 鈥� a ruling the state is now appealing.

The governor is 鈥�100%鈥� singling out Huntington Beach, says Mayor Erik Peterson. The city鈥檚 attorney agrees, pointing out that 50 other cities have not fulfilled the听housing听mandate. 鈥淚 believe they鈥檙e still upset that we beat them鈥� on the sanctuary issue, says the mayor from his office, a surf board propped up in the corner.听鈥淥f course, we鈥檙e all racists because of that 鈥� that鈥檚 what they tell us. But it actually had nothing to do with illegal immigration. It had to do with the state鈥檚 overreach.鈥�

Last year, Orange County, the cradle of California conservatism, lost four of its congressional seats to Democrats. Fewer than a quarter of California鈥檚 registered voters today are Republicans, and Democrats have a supermajority that renders the GOP powerless in the legislature. In recent months, Governor Newsom has cast Republicans as xenophobes and nativists, destined for the 鈥渨aste bin of history.鈥�

For many in the GOP here, it feels like they鈥檝e been set out on the curb with the trash. In interviews, California Republicans describe themselves as 鈥渄isenfranchised,鈥� 鈥渓onely,鈥� 鈥渁 remnant,鈥� and 鈥渘ot part of the conversation.鈥�

Huntington Beach鈥檚听mayorship is technically a nonpartisan position. But as a Republican in a deep-blue state, Mayor Peterson says he finds the situation increasingly 鈥渇rustrating.鈥� 听With no influence in Sacramento, Republicans can鈥檛 affect regulations, which he personally feels in his own business as an electrical contractor. They can鈥檛 block tax increases or effectively shape the budget, which just extended health care to young unauthorized immigrants. So, they resort to fighting through the courts, says the mayor. 鈥淚t鈥檚 the only thing we can do.鈥�

A common condition

Extreme听minority status is a common condition in divided America.听According to Ballotpedia, a single party has an absolute grip on power听in 19 states, controlling the governorship as well as veto-proof majorities, or听supermajorities, in their legislatures. Democrats are powerless听minorities in 16 such states, while Republicans are completely shut out in California, Oregon, and Illinois. Last month, Republican state senators in Oregon fled to Idaho to deny Democrats a quorum 鈥� and a vote 鈥� on a sweeping climate-change bill. The bill petered out, much to the delight of Republicans.

Wisconsin state Sen. Jon Erpenbach had a similar experience, though it didn鈥檛 end as well. In 2011, he and 13 fellow Senate Democrats went into exile in Illinois for three weeks in order to delay consideration of a major anti-union bill. The bill was being pushed by then-Gov. Scott Walker and the Republican-dominated legislature. Ultimately, the bill became law.听听

As a voiceless听minority, 鈥測ou feel very, very disenfranchised,鈥� says Mr. Erpenbach. 鈥淵ou use every possible parliamentary tool to stop what they do, and 9 times out of 10, you lose.鈥�

What distresses Mr. Erpenbach most is that Wisconsin is overall a purple state 鈥� but that parity is not reflected in the legislature because of gerrymandered voting districts. Voters last year elected a Democrat as a governor, restoring 鈥渂alance鈥� in government, as Mr. Erpenbach puts it, but not before the GOP legislature used a lame-duck session to restrict the incoming governor鈥檚 powers.

鈥淲hether it鈥檚 the Democrats in a supermajority or the Republicans in a supermajority, it seems like the parties are just more concerned about 50.1% of the people 鈥� [that] enough people will elect them and keep them in a majority,鈥� says Mr. Erpenbach.听

As in California, the minority party in Wisconsin turned to the courts to try to remedy partisan redistricting and the diminished governorship. They鈥檝e lost on both counts. Mr. Erpenbach says Democrats have no choice but to continue 鈥減lugging away鈥� at the redistricting message, educating voters so that when representatives go home, they hear about it.听

鈥淚t is what it is鈥�

Republicans in California, meanwhile, can鈥檛 agree on how to restore their voice. It鈥檚 been a long decline 鈥� precipitated, many observers believe, by Republican Gov. Pete Wilson in the 1990s. He went against demographic trends and pushed anti-immigration measures. In the short term, it won him reelection, but it also drove Latinos into the arms of Democrats. Other factors also came into play, but with white people now a minority in California and Donald Trump in the White House, Republicans are struggling in this deeply blue state.

The state GOP needs to 鈥渟top fighting the culture wars鈥� and instead present itself as a more 鈥渕ainstream鈥� party that focuses on pocketbook issues, as well as education and the environment, says Bill Whalen, former speechwriter for Governor Wilson. Republican consultant Mike Madrid blasts California Republicans for their 鈥渟ilence鈥� on President Trump鈥檚 鈥渞acist tweets鈥� about four Democratic women of color in the House.

On the other hand, Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Republican Party of Orange County, rejects the idea that Republicans should adjust their ideology.

鈥淵ou can鈥檛 become the Democratic Party lite,鈥� he says. Many Asians and Latinos are socially conservative, but fiscally liberal when it comes to larger government, he says. 鈥淥ur job is to talk with every voter where they are, who align with our values, and see if we can鈥檛 bring them across.鈥� The party must also field more candidates who look like the neighborhoods they come from, he says.

He and others believe that the state is headed for a financial crisis. It may have a surplus now, but it relies on high income taxes, and when the next recession hits, they say voters will see the error of their ways.

鈥淰oters wanted a Democratic majority in statewide offices and in the legislature鈥� 鈥� and now they have a high-tax state, with rising gas taxes and the highest rate of poverty in the nation, says Republican state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Huntington Beach. 鈥淲hen a recession hits, it鈥檚 not going to be pretty.鈥�

California鈥檚 Democrats won supermajority status last November. But听Mr. Moorlach says he鈥檚 鈥渘ot complaining鈥� about his new situation. 鈥淚t is what it is,听que sera, sera.鈥�

And he says at least Democrats have allowed him to have a voice, whether in committee or on the Senate floor. As vice chair of the powerful Energy, Utilities, and Communications Committee, he realizes he鈥檚 鈥減retty much a figurehead,鈥澨齜ut he still contributes. Votes tend not to go the way he wants, but he has a chance to put things on record.

It鈥檚 not completely hopeless for Republicans, adds Marcia Godwin, a government expert at the University of La Verne in La Verne, California. Sometimes, bipartisan coalitions form in Sacramento when the liberal wing of the Democratic Party won鈥檛 go along, she says. And at the local level, 鈥渢here鈥檚 still a fairly high amount of influence鈥� in the areas where Republicans are concentrated, such as in Orange County.听

Asked whether supermajorities in one-party states are bad for democracy 鈥� or simply a reflection of the will of the people, she replies: 鈥淲hat鈥檚 good for democracy is the possibility of change. Even if it鈥檚 not the next election, maybe 10 years from now, there might be change.鈥�

That is the hope for Republicans in California. And for Democrats in red states, as well.