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As high-level representatives to the Gaza peace negotiations sought a path to 鈥測es鈥� in talks in Egypt on Wednesday, a key turning point occurred when the parties agreed to split the emerging agreement into two phases.

With White House representatives Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner signing on, a consensus formed to separate a confidence-building first phase from the rest of President Donald Trump鈥檚 20-point peace plan.

Part of that first phase has already begun 鈥� a ceasefire in Gaza and a partial withdrawal of Israeli forces 鈥� with the highly anticipated release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners expected by the end of this long U.S. holiday weekend.

It was that splitting of the Gaza peace plan into two distinct phases that saved the talks from becoming mired in the minutiae of the many complex issues to be addressed in a comprehensive agreement ending the war in Gaza, White House officials said in a briefing with reporters on Thursday.

And it was the idea of a Phase 1 largely limited to the long-sought and high-emotion goals of a ceasefire and the release of all hostages that allowed Mr. Trump to run a victory lap on Wednesday and the streets of Israel and Gaza to flow with relief and jubilation.

鈥淭oo early to speak of peace鈥�

Yet, as welcome and hopeful as the agreed Phase 1 is, many experts caution that it is not yet peace.

鈥淚t is too early to speak of peace, and there are still significant issues that will need to be addressed,鈥� says Hugh Lovatt, a senior policy fellow and Middle East analyst at the European Council on Foreign Relations in London.

Noting that there are potential stumbling blocks in both phases of the deal鈥檚 implementation, Mr. Lovatt cites 鈥渢he real risk that Israel stalls its further redeployment while continuing to undermine a diplomatic pathway to a two-state solution.鈥�

Moreover, given the complexities of the issues to be addressed in the second phase of negotiations to secure a true peace, some experts question whether key players 鈥� including the United States 鈥� will have the focus and stamina to reach the final prize. They point to Israel鈥檚 resistance, especially, to some of the unsettled principles stated in the 20-point plan.

鈥淎 lot more has to happen to say this tragic episode is really closed,鈥� says Stephen Walt, professor of international relations at the Harvard Kennedy School. 鈥淭he question now is, do President Trump and his administration have the staying power to see this through to something beyond the first phase that actually resembles peace?鈥�

Progress on the ground

In the meantime, however, the conclusion of Phase 1 is already being felt on the ground. A ceasefire went into effect on Friday, shortly after the Israeli government approved the deal late Thursday. As Israeli forces withdrew from population centers toward defensive positions on Gaza鈥檚 periphery, thousands of displaced Palestinians began walking back toward Gaza City and the northern part of the Strip.

That also started the clock on the release of the Israeli hostages, which is to take place within 72 hours of a ceasefire. That has sent a surge of joy across Israel, as Israelis anticipate the dramatic return Monday or perhaps even Sunday of their fellow countrymen, who have survived two years of gruesome captivity.

President Trump, whose name sits atop the 20-point plan, is expected in the region as of Monday morning: He will give a speech to the Israeli Knesset, then plans to meet with released hostages or their families. Mr. Trump has emerged as a hero of the hostage families and as Israelis鈥� most popular political leader for his high-pressure ability to free the hostages and achieve a ceasefire.

He will then travel to Egypt for a formal signing of the deal later Monday. New on the agenda, according to officials: a summit in Sharm el Sheikh, Egypt, either late Monday or early Tuesday. Its purpose: to gather regional and European leaders whose countries will be expected to shoulder much of the burden and cost of keeping the plan on track and ensuring that the deal doesn鈥檛 flame out after Phase 1.

Despite Mr. Trump鈥檚 declaration this week that the Phase 1 agreement represented the greatest day in history, the summit appears on one hand an acknowledgment that much work remains to be done.

But at the same time, the hastily assembled summit also reflects a leadership style from President Trump that analysts credit for getting the first phase off the ground.

鈥淲e saw in a week President Trump acting like a powerful particles accelerator, forcing everybody to move with hypersonic speed to reach an agreement that most of us assumed was unachievable,鈥� says Nimrod Novik, an Israel fellow with the Israel Policy Forum. The New York-based think tank promotes Israel鈥檚 long-term security through a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Disarmament and other obstacles

Even before parties get to the end-stage questions of Gaza鈥檚 governance, rebuilding, and security through a ground force comprised of third-country units, critical issues early in Phase 2 could still stymie any progress on the rest of the plan.

One example is the chicken-and-egg question of Hamas鈥� disarmament and Israel鈥檚 committing to ending the conflict. Israel insists that Hamas must verifiably disarm, and its fighters be removed from Gaza, before it can retreat fully from Gaza and make a ceasefire permanent. But Hamas first wants guarantees that Israel won鈥檛 take advantage of its disarmament to resume the war.

Once the challenges of Phase 1 are worked out, 鈥渢hen the even harder work begins,鈥� says Rachel Brandenburg, Israel Policy Forum鈥檚 Washington managing director.

What security perimeter will Israel require, how will humanitarian aid be ramped up, and 鈥� the 20-point plan鈥檚 point No. 19 鈥� 鈥淲hat does a 鈥榗redible pathway to a Palestinian state鈥� look like?鈥� she asks. 鈥淭he plan鈥檚 20 points are really more like principles,鈥� she says. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e going to be difficult to figure out in practice.鈥�

Still, Mr. Novik notes that a tremendous amount of work was done over the two years of the war, not least by the Biden administration, to lay the groundwork for a Gaza day-after plan. It is not the stuff of 鈥渇antasy land鈥� to anticipate that all the hard work done formulating a variety of Gaza peace plans should help prepare the road ahead and keep a peace process on track, he says.

鈥淚f all that [work] comes to fruition, Israel will have less incentive to resume the war,鈥� Mr. Novik says, 鈥渁nd Hamas will have little option but to accept.鈥�