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What came across Wednesday as Russian President Vladimir Putin standing down on Ukraine was, just a day later, looking much more like Mr. Putin once again manipulating the Ukrainian crisis to his liking.

Putin on Wednesday called for a weekend referendum on eastern Ukraine's independence to be postponed, but separatists vowed to go forward with the plebiscite anyway. And Putin pledged to pull Russian troops back from Ukraine鈥檚 border, sending a soothing message to Germany and the rest of Western Europe. The Russian leader may have accomplished two goals in all this maneuvering, some Russia experts say.

First, he may have succeeded in disassociating Russia from a referendum that he privately prefers to see proceed, they say. That may have allowed Putin to let some of the air out of the Western assertion that the separatists receive their marching orders from Moscow.

Perhaps more important, Putin鈥檚 words of moderation and calls for diplomacy may have succeeded in putting off for the foreseeable future any move by the European Union toward broad sanctions on Russia鈥檚 key economic sectors. President Obama and German Chancellor Angela Merkel agreed last Friday that such sanctions could be imposed much sooner than Putin might have thought.

The Obama administration said Tuesday that Russian support for the weekend referendum in eastern Ukrainian cities where separatists are holding public buildings could serve as a 鈥渢rigger鈥� for tougher sanctions. The targets could be key sectors of the Russian economy, such as the energy industry, finance, or the arms trade. At the same time, administration officials continue to insist that those sanctions only make sense if adopted by both the US and the European Union, which plays a much larger role than the US in Russia鈥檚 economy. Mr. Obama made the same point with Ms. Merkel at the White House Friday.

But some in Congress continue to show impatience with Obama鈥檚 priority on working in tandem with Europe. At a House hearing on Ukraine Thursday, administration critics said the US should stop waiting for Europe 鈥� and Putin 鈥� to act before imposing harsher sanctions on Russia.

鈥淲e must stop reacting to Putin鈥檚 moves, while waiting patiently for the Europeans to join us,鈥� said Rep. Ed Royce (R) of California, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. 鈥淚nstead, we must adopt a proactive strategy that will convince Putin that his aggression will have a significant and lasting cost to the Russian economy.鈥澛犅犅�

Still, support for heavier US involvement in Ukraine is not unanimous, even among Republicans. Another California Republican, Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, said the Ukraine crisis is much 鈥渕urkier鈥� than 鈥渁 simple case of Russian aggression,鈥� and he advised caution, especially concerning any massive economic aid plan for Ukraine.聽聽聽

NATO officials announced Thursday that they saw no evidence of Russia pulling back the thousands of troops it has deployed to the Ukrainian border. Putin鈥檚 claim was reminiscent of earlier assurances the Russian leader made to Merkel but which turned out not to be true, US officials say.

But Putin may yet be able to declare 鈥渕ission accomplished鈥� as a result of his moderate words, even if he doesn鈥檛 ultimately follow through on them, some analysts say. One reassuring sign for Putin: the 28-nation EU agreed Wednesday to a modest expansion of sanctions on Russian individuals but nixed a plan to broaden sanctions to more Russian companies.

No one should think that Putin鈥檚 words on Wednesday indicate that Russia is retreating from an assertive stance toward Ukraine, said Thomas Graham, a former special assistant on Russian affairs to President George W. Bush and now a managing director at Kissinger Associates in Washington.

鈥淵ou鈥檙e going to see tremendous effort in exerting Russian primacy over Ukraine over the next few years,鈥� said Mr. Graham, who spoke Thursday at an event sponsored by the Center for the National Interest in Washington.

But Putin knows as well as anyone else that Russia鈥檚 goal of re-exerting its power and influence over Ukraine and 鈥渢he former Soviet space鈥� can only be achieved with the backing of a robust and growing Russian economy 鈥� not one hobbled by debilitating Western sanctions, he adds.

鈥淚f Russia wants to grow its great-power status, it鈥檚 going to have to build the economic strength that serves as the base of that power,鈥� he said.

For others, Putin鈥檚 steps-forward, steps-back approach to Ukraine suggests someone who is flush with an initial success 鈥� in Putin鈥檚 case, Russia鈥檚 annexation of Crimea 鈥� and, as a result, wades into deeper and more problematic waters.

As the Russian economy shows signs of weakness, that may be increasing doubts among the power players in the Russian economy who have Putin鈥檚 ear, says Dimitri Simes, a Russia expert and president of the Center for the National Interest.

鈥淸Putin] had a huge success in Crimea,鈥� Mr. Simes says. 鈥淎nd then he overreached.鈥�