海角大神

I鈥檝e been reluctant to use the 聽鈥渇鈥� word to describe Donald Trump because it鈥檚 especially harsh, and it鈥檚 too often used carelessly.

But Trump has finally reached a point where parallels between his presidential campaign and the fascists of the first half of the 20th聽century 鈥� lurid figures such as Benito Mussolini, Joseph Stalin, Adolf Hitler, Oswald Mosley, and Francisco Franco 鈥� are too evident to overlook.

It鈥檚 not just that Trump recently quoted Mussolini (he now calls that tweet inadvertent) or that he鈥檚 begun inviting followers at his rallies to raise their right hands in a manner chillingly similar to the Nazi 鈥淗eil鈥� solute (he dismisses such comparison as 鈥渞idiculous.鈥�)

The parallels go deeper.

As did the early twentieth-century fascists, Trump is focusing his campaign on the angers of white working people who have been losing economic ground for years, and who are easy prey for demagogues seeking to build their own power by scapegoating others.

Trump鈥檚 electoral gains have been largest in counties with lower than average incomes, and among those who report their personal finances have worsened. As the Washington Post鈥檚 Jeff Guo has聽pointed out, Trump performs best in places聽where middle-aged whites are聽dying the fastest. 聽

The economic stresses almost a century ago that culminated in the Great Depression were far worse than most of Trump鈥檚 followers have experienced, but they鈥檝e聽suffered something that in some respects is more painful 鈥� failed expectations.

Many grew up during the 1950s and 1960s, during a postwar prosperity that lifted all boats. That prosperity gave their parents a better life. Trump鈥檚 followers naturally expected that they and their children would also experience economic gains. They have not.

Add fears and uncertainties about terrorists who may be living among us, or may want to sneak through our borders, and this vulnerability and powerlessness is magnified.

Trump鈥檚 incendiary verbal attacks on Mexican immigrants and Muslims 鈥� even his reluctance to distance himself from David Duke and the Ku Klux Klan 鈥� follow the older fascist script. 聽

That older generation of fascists didn鈥檛 bother with policy prescriptions or logical argument, either. They presented themselves as strongmen whose personal power would remedy all ills.

They created around themselves cults of personality in which they took on the trappings of strength, confidence, and invulnerability 鈥� all of which served as substitutes for rational argument or thought. 聽

Trump鈥檚 entire campaign similarly revolves around his assumed strength and confidence. He tells his followers not to worry; he鈥檒l take care of them. 鈥淚f you get laid off 鈥�, I still want your vote,鈥� he told workers in Michigan last week. 鈥淚鈥檒l get you a new job; don鈥檛 worry about it.鈥�

The old fascists intimidated and threatened opponents. Trump is not above a similar strategy. To take one example, he recently tweeted that Chicago鈥檚 Ricketts family, now spending money to defeat him, 鈥渂etter be careful, they have a lot to hide.鈥�

The old fascists incited violence. Trump has not done so explicitly but Trump supporters have attacked Muslims, the homeless, and African-Americans 鈥� and Trump has all but excused their behavior.

Weeks after Trump began his campaign by falsely聽alleging聽that Mexican immigrants are 鈥渂ringing crime. They鈥檙e rapists,鈥� two brothers in Boston beat with a metal poll and urinated on a 58-year-old homeless Mexican national. They subsequently聽told聽the police 鈥淒onald Trump was right, all these illegals need to be deported.鈥�

Instead of condemning that brutality, Trump excused it by聽saying鈥減eople who are following me are very passionate. They love this country and they want this country to be great again.鈥�

After a handful of white supporters punched and attempted to choke a Black Lives Matter protester at one of his campaign rallies, Trump聽said聽鈥渕aybe he should have been roughed up.鈥�

There are further parallels. Fascists glorified national power and greatness, fanning xenophobia and war. Trump鈥檚 entire foreign policy consists of asserting American power against other nations. Mexico 鈥渨ill鈥� finance a wall. China 鈥渨ill鈥� stop manipulating its currency. 聽

In pursuit of their nationalistic aims, the fascists disregarded international law. Trump is the same. He recently proposed using torture against terrorists, and punishing their families, both in clear violation of international law.聽

Finally, the fascists created their mass followings directly, without political parties or other intermediaries standing between them and their legions of supporters. 聽

Trump鈥檚 tweets and rallies similarly circumvent all filters. The Republican Party is irrelevant to his campaign, and he considers the media an enemy. (Reporters covering his rallies are kept behind a steel barrier.)

Viewing Donald Trump in light of the fascists of the first half of the twentieth century 鈥� who used economic stresses to scapegoat others, created cults of personality, intimidated opponents, incited violence, glorified their nations and disregarded international law, and connected directly with the masses 鈥� helps explain what Trump is doing and how he is succeeding.

It also suggests why Donald Trump presents such a profound danger to the future of America and the world. 聽

This article first appeared at Robert Reich.