海角大神

Americans pledge allegiance to 鈥渙ne Nation under God 鈥� with liberty and justice for all.鈥� But for聽the聽first 89 years of its existence, America consisted of two distinct nations: one slave and one free. The聽halves were cobbled together by聽the聽United States Constitution, which, interestingly enough, did not contain聽the聽words slave or slavery until it was amended after聽the聽Civil聽War.

Rather than using such stark terms,聽the聽founding document鈥檚 fugitive slave clause euphemistically proclaimed 鈥淣o person held to service or labour in one state, under聽the聽laws thereof, escaping into another shall 鈥� be discharged from such service or labour.鈥澛燭he unnamed 鈥減eculiar institution,鈥� it seemed, was an embarrassment to聽the聽new nation.聽

There would be no sanctuary cities and black lives didn鈥檛 matter at all. Enslaved in聽the聽South, runaways as well as 鈥渇ree blacks鈥� were not particularly welcome in聽the聽North, where, for example, Connecticut and Pennsylvania disenfranchised their African-American citizens in 1818 and 1838, respectively. In 1857,聽the聽U.S, Supreme Court ruled that members of聽the聽鈥渘egro African race鈥� could not claim U.S. citizenship.聽

Laws and fear of death notwithstanding, fugitive slaves who reached freedom would graphically expose聽the聽hypocrisy and instability of a house divided, half slave and half free 鈥� or quasi-free.

Andrew Delbanco鈥檚 latest book,聽The聽War聽Before聽the聽War: Fugitive Slaves and聽the聽Struggle for America鈥檚 Soul from聽the Revolution to聽the聽Civil聽War, is a richly detailed, thought-provoking and compelling chronicle of聽the聽role fugitive slaves played in widening聽the聽gap between America鈥檚 two distinct societies.聽

If聽the聽exodus from bondage of tens of thousands of people was not the聽cause of聽the聽Civil聽War, it clearly was a major factor in聽the growing polarization that gripped聽the聽nation. Runaway slaves inspired not only outrage among many free-state Americans; their harrowing tales also spawned a literary genre epitomized by聽the publication in 1852 of Harriet Beecher Stowe鈥檚 novel, 鈥淯ncle Tom鈥檚 Cabin.鈥�

Southerners like U.S. Senator John C. Calhoun had been insisting in聽the聽face of abolitionist proselytizing that slavery wasn鈥檛 peculiar or oppressive at all but rather beneficial for blacks as well as for whites. Abraham Lincoln punctured this fanciful sophistry by pointing out that not only were people fleeing slavery 鈥� more tellingly, no one was volunteering to partake of its purported benefits.

Fugitive slaves,聽the聽author argues, were never a direct threat to聽the continued existence of聽the聽peculiar institution: some 1,000 fled their masters in 1850 out of some 3 million overall still held in bondage. But these brave souls brought Northerners face to face with聽the聽brutal reality of slavery.聽

In response, free states passed 鈥減ersonal liberty鈥� laws that made it more difficult for slave chasers to catch and re-enslave runaways. Some citizens took extrajudicial liberties: mobs stormed jails to free detained runaways. Others hid them from聽the聽authorities and hastened them along聽the聽Underground Railway to Canada. Southern pols and plantation owners were not pleased.

If a growing irritant to their masters in聽the聽best of times,聽the聽restless enslaved populace became a national security risk during wartime. The聽British offered slaves their freedom if they fought against their oppressors in both聽the聽Revolutionary聽War聽and聽the聽War聽of 1812. Thomas Jefferson estimated (probably overestimated) that some 70,000 heeded聽the聽call from 1776 to 1783. In both peace treaties, Americans stipulated that聽the聽British should return these individuals to their owners.聽

But it took聽the聽Civil聽War聽itself to turn fugitives into an organized fighting force that forcefully advanced聽the聽cause of emancipation. Delbanco makes it clear that while聽the聽South knew from聽the聽start that聽the聽fight was about slavery,聽the聽North began聽the聽war聽simply seeking to preserve聽the聽Union, with slavery intact. But time, military necessity, and droves of freedom-seeking African Americans would change聽the聽Union鈥檚 perception of what it was fighting for.

Early on, in May 1861, Union Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler ad-libbed the聽concept of 鈥渉uman contraband"; it allowed him to retain and make use of聽the聽fleeing slaves who were reporting for duty to his command at Fort Monroe, Va. By July, some 900, including women and children, had done so. It was聽the聽beginning of 鈥渕ilitary emancipation.鈥�

By聽the聽war鈥檚 end, about 170,000 African Americans, making up one-tenth of Union forces, had served their country. Toward聽the聽bitter end,聽the聽Confederacy toyed with聽the聽idea of offering freedom to individual slaves who would take up arms to defend slavery. This was oxymoronic on so many levels, and聽the聽notion quickly died.聽

Andrew Delbanco, who is a Columbia University professor, has written an engaging and most valuable account of America鈥檚 original sin. He notes that Thomas Jefferson,聽the聽man who famously wrote 鈥渁ll men are created equal,鈥� also penned 鈥� seven years previously 鈥� an advertisement seeking聽the聽return of one of his slaves who had run away.聽

Jefferson also wrote this about聽the聽peculiar institution: 鈥淚 tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just, that his justice does not sleep forever.鈥澛�