海角大神

The banners that sprung up in Tehran had one purpose: to undermine Iran鈥檚 nuclear talks, and ruin chances of future reconciliation with the US.

One showed an Iranian negotiator,聽intended to represent聽Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, sitting across from an American, who under the table and out of sight wore a holstered gun and military camouflage trousers.聽

The words on the banner accused the US of deception, and doubled as a veiled attack on those Iranians willing to negotiate.聽The banners 鈥� removed a few days later 鈥� are a reminder that Iran has its "spoilers," too,聽Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said a few days later.聽

鈥淵ou said we don鈥檛 have a tea party? I wish you were right,鈥澛爃e said.

A tea party in Iran?

Since Iran鈥檚 1979 Islamic revolution, a hard-line group of Iranians have scored聽points against political聽rivals,聽sometimes putting聽at risk broader national policies for their gain. In some Iranians' eyes, that makes them a perfect聽comparison for聽the American 鈥渢ea party鈥� that recently spearheaded a US government shutdown.

A few days after the banners were taken down, Iranian hardliners gathered at the former US embassy in Tehran to chant 鈥淒eath to America!鈥� and burn US flags to mark the anniversary of the seizure of the US Embassy in Tehran in 1979.

A senior US official, speaking days after聽the banners were taken down, said they聽understood the dynamic.

鈥淚ran is a culture with many elements in it, as is ours. We have hardliners in our culture 鈥� probably not hardliners like Iranian hardliners, but a different variety,鈥� said the US official, speaking on the eve of nuclear talks in Geneva.聽

In Iran, the 鈥渢ea party鈥� takes two forms. The political, hard-line groups that adhere to the anti-Americanism of the early years of the Iranian revolution, and for whom 鈥渃ompromise鈥� is a dirty word, are one type.聽They fight with words, from the聽Friday聽prayers pulpit, on air and in print.聽

Among them might be Kayhan newspaper, which misreported that Zarif had privately said President Hassan Rouhani鈥檚聽historic聽telephone call with Barack Obama was a 鈥渕istake.鈥� The inaccurate headline alone聽was enough to send the foreign minister to the hospital with back and leg spasms. Zarif made clear that he thought the accusation was deliberate.聽

鈥淚t was a bitter but very informative day for me,鈥� he wrote on his Facebook page. 鈥淚 learned that whatever I want to say, to say it publicly, because otherwise the market for abuse is very active.鈥�

There is another spoiler element in Iran whose actions put it far beyond any tea party comparison. Vigilante pressure groups, which traditionally use violence, got their start in the 19th聽century as 鈥渆nforcers鈥� tasked with carrying out the religious decrees of imams in Iranian villages.聽They were later used by the pro-West Shah before his toppling in 1979. In one case, he set up a vigilante force staffed by policemen in civilian clothes, which attacked meetings organized by students and other 鈥渄issidents.鈥�

The violent tactics evolved further after the revolution, and vigilante groups became instrumental in intimidating and attacking 鈥� often wielding chains and clubs 鈥� pro-reformist supporters of President Mohammad Khatami.聽In 1995, the shadowy Ansar-e Hezbollah (Followers of the Party of God), issued a manifesto with full-page newspaper ads which read: 鈥淯ntil our throats be cut, we will fight the supporters of the West and of anti-fundamentalist tendencies.鈥澛�

Some would credit their influence with helping to destroy Khatami's presidency, which had unprecedented popular support among voters, and ending Khatami's outreach toward the US.

Similar groups have operated outside Iran, essentially freelancing, often secretly and聽in what they claim to be the聽name of the revolution, but beyond central government control.聽The takeover by militants of the British Embassy in late 2011 is one example that deepened Iran's isolation and painted Iran as a nation where street violence can rule.聽

And that was hardly the first time. The聽1988 resignation letter of the then-Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, for example,聽complained that his authority had been 鈥渢aken away."

鈥淥nly after an airplane is hijacked are we made aware of it,鈥� wrote Mr. Mousavi, whose 2009 presidential bid sparked the Green Movement uprising and years of house arrest. 鈥淥nly after a machine gun opens fire in one of Lebanon鈥檚 streets and its noise echoes everywhere do we find out. Only after [Saudi police] find explosive material in Iranian pilgrims鈥� baggage am I informed.鈥�

[Editor's note:听The original story misidentified the name of former president Mohammad Khatami.]