Syria鈥檚 Kurds want autonomy. Damascus wants unity. Can they find middle ground?
| Aleppo and Raqqa, Syria
Attempting to enter Aleppo鈥檚 mainly Kurdish neighborhoods shows Syria鈥檚 war-battered, frayed status in microcosm.
First one comes to a checkpoint guarded by Arab and Kurdish fighters. Their demeanor is casual as they wave in traffic, a quiet display of Syrian unity. The low-key joint checkpoint is the result of the March 10 agreement between the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a key U.S. ally against ISIS which still controls swathes of northeast Syria, and newly empowered authorities in Damascus to cooperate for the greater good.
鈥淎t first we were uneasy, but after the first hour, we became comfortable with each other,鈥� says Munir, an Arab who fought with Sunni Islamist rebels and, like several people in the neighborhoods, declined to give his family name. Ali, who served in the Kurdish security apparatus, echoes Munir鈥檚 cautious optimism. 鈥淜urds and Arabs, in the end, we are family,鈥� he says. 鈥淎nd the Syrian state must encompass all its people.鈥�
Why We Wrote This
A story focused onA key challenge for postwar Syria is building trust between the Arab majority and its historically sidelined Kurdish minority. The security regimes in Kurdish parts of Aleppo show just how slow that trust may be in coming.
But once that barrier is cleared and one turns the corner, the second checkpoint comes into view. And the atmosphere here is not one of Syrian unity, but of Kurdish independence 鈥� in more ways than one.
Kurdish flags flutter above the fortified checkpoint鈥檚 reinforced sandbags. Advanced security cameras monitor the area, complementing the work of men and women in green uniforms. A portrait of jailed Kurdish leader Abdullah 脰calan dominates the installation. Here, authority speaks Kurdish, clinging to autonomy and resisting integration into greater Aleppo.
And whatever clearance that is given at the first checkpoint, it is clear that for all practical purposes it is this second checkpoint where access to Aleppo鈥檚 Kurdish neighborhoods is truly granted.
These controls offer more than a glimpse of localized self-rule. These neighborhoods, known as Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyeh, are a petri dish for what post-conflict Syria could become. For now, the focus is on building trust and cooperation, guided by the public agreement between Kurdish leaders and the new government in Damascus.
鈥淭he cooperation until now is positive and successful,鈥� says Ali Rahmon, a senior Kurdish official involved in the talks. 鈥淏oth parties are invested in the success of this experience so it can be generalized.鈥�
A prickly relationship
The March 10 agreement between the SDF and Damascus recognizes the Kurds as an Indigenous community, guarantees them citizenship and constitutional rights, and ensures integration of civil and military institutions in northeast Syria. It also calls for the safe return of displaced populations and enforcement of a nationwide ceasefire.
Both sides described initial meetings between SDF and Damascus delegations as constructive. Delegates drafted plans to form joint committees on security, administration, and economic matters 鈥� supported by the U.S.-led international coalition that fought ISIS. So far there has been enough cooperation to address university exam testing procedures and Kurds selling oil to Damascus.
Follow-up meetings stalled. The ceasefire holds but implementation of the agreement has been patchy, according to officials on both sides. In line with the deal, SDF forces 鈥� especially groups like the People鈥檚 and Women鈥檚 Protection Units (YPG/YPJ) 鈥� withdrew from Aleppo鈥檚 Kurdish districts. They did so, convoy-style, but former fighters appear to have returned in civilian clothes or as traffic police.
The return of prisoners and detainees held by Damascus and the Kurds remains an outstanding issue. To date, Damascus has handed over 300 detainees to Kurdish forces in return for 176 prisoners, says Muhammad Abdulghani, a former rebel now heading the recently established Internal Security Command in Aleppo. The 300-plus included Kurdish detainees who ended up in Turkish prisons 鈥� highlighting geopolitical entanglements, especially given Turkey鈥檚 long struggle with Kurdish separatist movements and its support for Syrian Arab rebels who clashed with Kurds.
Trust, as ever, takes time. 鈥淲hat we hear is positive, but we are waiting for actions,鈥� Mr. Rahmon says when asked to share his assessment of Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa. 鈥淭he national dialogue was not inclusive. The constitutional declaration excluded many. The interim government is of just one color.鈥�
Both sides remain skeptical about the historic 鈥� and potentially bloodshed-preventing 鈥� agreement. Mr. Abdulghani says the SDF and de facto Kurdish-run zones have destabilizing potential on par with remnant ISIS cells or pro-Assad insurgents.
鈥淲hen we sit with their leadership, the meetings go well,鈥� he says. 鈥淏ut when it comes time to implement? Nothing.鈥�
Yet he remains hopeful. He believes Syria must build a new security apparatus that avoids repeating the errors of the past. The brutality and scale of recent violence in Syria鈥檚 Alawite coastal regions and in Sweida, a stronghold of the Druze minority population in the south, adds urgency to making progress with the Kurds.
A Kurdish enclave
Discrimination is still a problem. Kurds are a marginalized group in the Middle East region, historically deprived of citizenship and the opportunity to express their culture and language. And in Syria鈥檚 Kurdish-run areas, the governance model is mixed in principle, but Arabs often face heightened scrutiny in practice.
鈥淭here used to be Arabs, Kurds, and 海角大神s living together,鈥� says Abdelbasset Ahmed, an Arab who owns property in the Sheikh Maqsoud neighborhood. But today he was turned back at the second checkpoint, even though he had papers to prove his claim. Now he has to find someplace to stay for the night outside the neighborhood 鈥� or convince the authorities at the checkpoint of his residency.
Inside the neighborhood, Kurdish watchers surreptitiously surveil nearly every block. Munir Abu Shukri, an ice cream seller, is relieved the Kurds remain in local security networks. For him, security for both Arabs and Kurds depends on mutual comfort 鈥� though ultimately, he places his trust in one side.
鈥淭he most important thing is peace of mind,鈥� he says. 鈥淧eople鈥檚 main concern here is economic. There is safety thanks to the good guys 鈥� the Asayish [Kurdish Internal Security Forces]. The YPG/YPJ left in two convoys to the east. Still, we feel protected by them, even if they鈥檙e not physically here. We trust them.鈥�
While Mr. Abu Shukri believes Syria can stay united, not all Kurds share a commitment to territorial Syrian integrity. Fourteen-year-old Omar, a native of the nearby city of Tel Rifaat, has a sharply different take. His childhood has been shaped by war, displacement, and the loss of classmates to shelling by Turkey-backed Islamist militias.
鈥淲e want to be a state on our own,鈥� he says. 鈥淲e were born Kurds and will die Kurds. We don鈥檛 want anyone else to rule us. We鈥檝e seen too much injustice.鈥�
Others still hope for a middle ground. Ismahan Horo, a Kurdish mother, says she wants her three children to learn Arabic in school 鈥� not as a political statement, but for practical considerations. 鈥淎rabic paves the way for other languages,鈥� she says. 鈥淓nglish. French. It鈥檚 the basis. You can study Kurdish, but you鈥檒l gain nothing.鈥�
Her husband, Mohammed, is apprehensive about the new authorities in Damascus 鈥� particularly whether their stricter interpretations of Islam could result in lost freedoms. He cites instances of hard-line Islamists at the first checkpoints asking him to turn off his music 鈥� something he worries is a sign of religious strictures being implemented.
鈥淭he outer checkpoint gives us grief, scrutinizes our identity cards,鈥� he says. 鈥淥nce we get to our [Kurdish] checkpoint, we relax.鈥�
鈥淭here is still no trust鈥�
Meanwhile in Raqqa, the former capital of the so-called caliphate established by ISIS, tensions simmer. Arab residents are alarmed by the Kurds鈥� recent tunnel- and trench-digging operations. The long-established strict checkpoint controls, reminiscent of international border crossings, have added to local frustration.
鈥淭he Kurds don鈥檛 want peace 鈥� they鈥檙e preparing to fight,鈥� Ibrahim, an Arab resident, alleges.
鈥淭here is still no trust between the two parties,鈥� Mr. Rahmon concedes when asked about Raqqa鈥檚 fortifications. Yet he remains guardedly hopeful. If the Ashrafiyeh and Sheikh Maqsoud experiment holds, he believes it could be replicated elsewhere.
鈥淭his could be a model,鈥� he says. 鈥淓specially if the forces are made of locals who know each other.鈥�
