海角大神

Turkish riot police raided the offices of Turkey鈥檚 best-selling daily newspaper, Zaman, on Friday night, breaking through metal gates and installing new, pro-government executives.

The editor-in-chief was fired, and hundreds of protesters calling for press freedom were hosed with water cannons and hit with tear gas through Saturday.

When the next edition of Zaman was published on Sunday, the former opposition newspaper had a decidedly pro-government slant. The front page showed President Recep Tayyip Erdo臒an smiling during a ceremony to mark progress and 鈥渉istoric excitement鈥� over a third bridge spanning the Bosphorus.

For media and human rights watchdogs, the closing of Zaman and its larger media group 鈥� all linked to an exiled cleric opposed to Mr. Erdo臒an 鈥� is the latest of many recent setbacks to press freedom in Turkey.

But for political analysts following Erdo臒an鈥檚 long-term project to create a powerful presidential system in Turkey, the takeover of Zaman was only the latest episode in a systematic crackdown on opponents of the president and his Justice and Development Party (AKP), which has ruled Turkey since 2002.

The high-profile media takeover was carried out even as senior former AKP officials have voiced concern about some of Erdogan鈥檚 actions. Prime Minister Ahmet Davuto臒lu, a longtime ally and senior adviser to Erdo臒an, also has been asked by party deputies about friction between the two.

鈥淧resident Erdo臒an knows that when he takes the offensive, he manages to rally support of the grassroots, the conservative voters of the party 鈥� so he took the offensive by seizing Zaman,鈥� says 陌hsan Da臒i, a professor at the Middle East Technical University in Ankara.

鈥淚t is a show of strength, in fact,鈥� says Mr. Da臒i. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not out of weakness, but an expectation that if he appears weak, if people see that there are some opposition views developing, he thinks he may not be in a state of control if that process starts 鈥撀爃e just wants to stop that process.鈥�

Mr. Davuto臒lu said the Zaman takeover was 鈥渁 completely legal process鈥� and that 鈥渘o one should have hesitation about press freedom in Turkey.鈥� He has rejected rumors of a personal rift with Erdo臒an, whom he calls 鈥渢he charismatic leader of our political movement.鈥�

In a statement, Zaman鈥檚 English-language sister newspaper Today鈥檚 Zaman rued the 鈥渄arkest and gloomiest days鈥� for press freedom, which is 鈥渁 major benchmark for democracy and the rule of law.鈥�

Switch to Public Enemy No. 1

The media group 鈥撀燼nd four powerful businessmen arrested separately on Friday 鈥� are all linked to the cleric Fethullah G眉len, whom Erdo臒an and state prosecutors accuse of creating a 鈥渢errorist鈥� parallel state network in Turkey that twice in 2013 tried to topple the government.

Mr. G眉len lives in exile in the US and was once a close ally of Erdo臒an; Zaman once lauded the AKP鈥檚 every move in its pages.

But since the falling out between the two men 鈥� G眉len's followers in the police and judiciary leaked audio recordings in 2013 that appeared to show official corruption at the very highest levels 鈥撀爐he G眉len movement has been cast as Public Enemy No. 1.

Some pro-AKP operatives call the G眉lenists in Turkey the equivalent of Al Qaeda for the United States; prosecutors have coined the term 鈥淔ethullahist Terror Organization鈥� (FET脰) to describe it.

鈥淚t鈥檚 like Erdo臒an is confiscating everything that belongs to the G眉len movement, one by one. There鈥檚 a process,鈥� says Mustafa Akyol, an author on Islamic issues and a columnist for H眉rriyet Daily News. A similar media group was put under administration last October, immediately produced pro-government reports, and had since been dismantled.

Mr. Akyol says there are elements of revenge against G眉len in聽Erdo臒an's crackdown. But there is also a sense that G眉len鈥檚 network poses a real threat to his leadership.

鈥淵es, it is true, we know that the G眉len movement really created a network in the police and the judiciary 鈥� and they used this in very aggressive ways, for witch hunts against Mr. Erdo臒an鈥檚 enemies when they were allies,鈥� he says.

That network has been turned against Erdo臒an since his fallout with G眉len.

For Erdo臒an, 'it's all connected'

Turkey is roiling with seemingly more severe problems, from a renewed war against the separatist Kurdistan Workers鈥� Party (PKK) in the southeast and the infiltration of Islamic State cells that have conducted bomb attacks, to hosting more than two million refugees from Syria.

But there is still time to systematically go after G眉lenists at home, and even investigate and prosecute what the judiciary recently acknowledged to be 1,800 cases of 鈥渋nsulting鈥� the president, sometimes for as little as a critical tweet.

鈥淔or them it鈥檚 all just one major battle, it鈥檚 all connected,鈥� says Akyol. 鈥淔or Erdo臒an鈥檚 world view, there鈥檚 the righteous and glorious Erdo臒an and his loyal supporters, and the rest is enemy territory, within the country or outside.鈥�

鈥淗e doesn鈥檛 want to see even one single dissenting voice,鈥� says Da臒i, the professor. 鈥淗e knows that in this country, people really respect the powerful man. There is this culture of submission to the powerful and he plays that very skillfully.

鈥淎ll other issues like Islamic State, PKK 鈥� they are all secondary,鈥� adds Da臒i. 鈥淭he primary issue for Turkish politics is the survival of Tayyip Erdo臒an, politically.鈥�