海角大神

In Tunisia, even the most bitter disputes have a certain civility. At an ongoing sit-in by rival protesters outside the constituent assembly in Tunis, fiery slogans are offset by singing, and both police and popcorn聽vendors聽look on.聽

The festive atmosphere belies the fact that聽Tunisia's two main聽political camps 鈥� 聽the ruling Islamist Ennahda party and its allies and a collection of broadly secularist opposition parties 鈥撀燼re locked in a tense, perhaps decisive standoff over the future of Tunisia鈥檚 democratic transition.

The murder last week of an opposition leader prompted dozens of opposition politicians to suspend their membership in the聽constituent assembly, which is just weeks away from finalizing a new constitution. Now opposition parties want the government, and maybe even the assembly, dissolved.

Both camps distrust each other聽and trade accusations of betraying the 2011 revolution that ended five decades of dictatorship.聽But, if their rhetoric is to be believed, they聽want essentially the same things: democracy, free speech, and respect for human rights.聽

The dispute could聽set back political progress in a country widely seen as the best hope for Arab democracy. But Tunisians鈥� capacity for restraint has聽been their聽saving grace in the past, and could聽be again.

Losing control

Both Ennahda and its rivals claim deep roots in Tunisia, a Sunni Muslim country that has also been shaped by French colonialism and its secularist first president, Habib Bourguiba. Tunisians have known oppression, but not large-scale bloodshed, and are generally intolerant of violence.

Debate, however, can be fierce. The overthrow of Mr. Bourguiba鈥檚 successor, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali,聽unleashed a culture war over the role of religion in public life. Ennahda swept elections on a pledge to build democracy while respecting Islam, and leads a coalition government with two secularist聽parties.

But today many blame Ennahda for persistent economic malaise,聽and聽the party鈥檚 main rival, the secularist Nidaa Tounes, is聽growing in popularity.聽Opposition parties accuse Ennahda of coddling the hardline Salafi movement,聽some of聽whose members have engaged in political violence.聽

After the February murder of opposition leader Chokri Belaid, the opposition聽demanded that the government step down. The fall of Egypt鈥檚 Muslim Brotherhood government last month encouraged Tunisian secularists to renew their call.聽

The killing last week of another opposition leader, Mohamed Brahmi, pushed anger to fever pitch. At least 60聽members of the 217-seat assembly have suspended their membership in protest, according to Al Bawsala, an NGO that monitors assembly activity,聽while rival camps of demonstrators maintain sit-ins outside the assembly building.

What constitutes a democracy?

Mahmoud Ben Romdhane, a member of Nidaa Tounes鈥� executive committee, describes Tunisia as one front in a regional struggle against Islamists looking to exploit the Arab Spring uprisings. He says that in such circumstances, people power is a valid way to bring change.

鈥淓lections are an expression of the people鈥檚 will, but not the only expression,鈥� he says. 鈥淒emonstrations, where they are extremely strong, have at least as much power as ballots.鈥�

Sami Triki, a member of Ennahda鈥檚 political bureau, says the party is committed to democracy and has made key concessions to the opposition 鈥� notably refraining from trying to cite Islamic sharia in the new constitution and dropping demands for a purely parliamentary system.

He worries that a secularist bent toward French-style聽濒补颈肠颈迟茅聽鈥撀爐he strict exclusion of religion from public life聽- makes opposition parties hostile to Islam. (Mr.聽Ben Romdhane says this is not the case.) And he calls attempts to bring down the government an assault on democratic legitimacy.聽While Ennahda is not part of the Muslim Brotherhood, Triki鈥檚聽argument mirrors that of many Muslim Brotherhood officials in Egypt.聽

鈥淓nnahda has committed mistakes, but not crimes,鈥� he says. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not logical to change the government every time a country has a problem. And who can dissolve the assembly? It鈥檚 elected.鈥�

Room for maneuvering

For Nadia Ch芒abane, a representative from the opposition Al Massar party who is boycotting the assembly, Triki鈥檚 argument rings hollow. She says both the assembly and government failed to uphold pledges not to exceed one year in power.

鈥淢ost of us who have withdrawn were saying we must leave after a year,鈥� she said, holding vigil聽on Tuesday聽night at the opposition protest. 鈥淭he [government parties] always voted against it.鈥�

Yet beneath the political fray, she聽says,聽Tunisians are cut from a single cloth.

鈥淲e all reject corruption and abuse of power, and we鈥檙e all Arabs and Muslims, even them鈥�, says聽Ibrahim Haddad,聽a middle-aged laborer and government supporters, nodding toward the opposition lines. 鈥淲e need the assembly to finish the constitution. Of 100 meters, we鈥檝e already come 80.鈥�

Behind the bluster,聽some political forces indicate聽there is room for compromise. Ennahda is willing to negotiate on a national unity government, says Triki. And according to Ben Romdhane,聽Nidaa Tounes could accept the assembly staying in place if its mandate was strictly limited to completing the constitution quickly.

At the opposition protest, a university student named Marouan Ksaybi is scooping popcorn from his cart into paper bags for a line of customers. He supports the protest, and overall he is hopeful.

If Tunisians have a failing, he says, 鈥渋t鈥檚 that sometimes we don鈥檛 understand one another.鈥�