With Assad鈥檚 ouster, Russia鈥檚 Mideast influence collapses. What will Moscow do now?
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Fred Weir Special correspondent
| Moscow
The collapse of Bashar al-Assad鈥檚 regime in Syria, which Moscow had helped to prop up for almost a decade, has dealt a serious setback to Russia鈥檚 global ambitions.
But Russian foreign policy specialists insist it鈥檚 not a ruinous one.
As they grapple with the rapid demise of Mr. Assad鈥檚 rule, Russian analysts say that the Kremlin will need to adjust to the shifting balance of power in the Middle East. That includes absorbing the likely loss of Russia鈥檚 two military bases in Syria, and accepting what analysts call the crushing defeat of Kremlin ally Iran.
Why We Wrote This
Russia was key to keeping Syria鈥檚 Bashar al-Assad in power over the last decade. Now he鈥檚 gone. But dealing with setback in the Middle East has become a familiar task for the Kremlin.
The psychological blow to Russia is also serious, they warn. The Kremlin鈥檚 2015 military intervention in Syria was Moscow鈥檚 first such post-Soviet operation outside its own region. Its perceived success drove a lot of Russia鈥檚 subsequent diplomatic efforts in the Mideast, as well as its recent inroads into Africa.
Igor Korotchenko, editor of National Defense, a Moscow-based security journal, says he鈥檚 still cautiously optimistic that Russian global influence can survive the loss of Syria, and聽perhaps the Kremlin can even forge a practical relationship with any new Syrian regime that emerges.
鈥淟et鈥檚 wait and see how things play out,鈥� he says. 鈥淩ussia is still a player in the region, maintaining good relations with countries like the UAE, Egypt, and Qatar. We never put our stakes on one person, and we have sufficient resources to pursue our goals鈥� without a foothold in Syria.
Doling out blame for Syria
For now, the victorious Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) forces have not touched the Russian Embassy or military installations 鈥� Iran鈥檚 Embassy in Damascus was trashed on the first day 鈥� even though Mr. Assad and his family have been granted asylum in Russia.
Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Wednesday that Moscow was in contact with the new Syrian authorities in an effort to safeguard Russian assets. 鈥淲e need to base our actions on the realities that exist at this moment on the ground,鈥� he said.
Russia reached out to the Taliban after the United States鈥� failure in Afghanistan, canceling its 鈥渢errorist鈥� designation and discussing a broader normalization of relations; experts say Moscow may wish to make a similar outreach to HTS. But it will be much harder given Russia鈥檚 staunch backing of Mr. Assad and its armed efforts to suppress the Syrian opposition over the past decade.
Whatever may happen, the blame game is already in full swing in the Russian media.
Some are pointing at Turkey, which allegedly sidestepped and went behind Russia鈥檚 back to sponsor the HTS rebel offensive that overran Damascus last weekend. Others say Israel鈥檚 successful war against major backers like Iran and Hezbollah made Mr. Assad鈥檚 fall inevitable, even though Moscow kept providing air support to the bitter end.
Some accuse Mr. Assad himself of self-isolating and refusing all attempts to find a broader social compromise.
鈥淎ssad didn鈥檛 take Russian advice,鈥� says Sergei Markov, a former Kremlin adviser. 鈥淗e was told many times that he needed to initiate some real political reforms, include members of the opposition in government, reconcile with Turkey, and curb the excesses of his security forces. He didn鈥檛 listen.
鈥淪o, Assad was already distanced from Russia. At the end, he was taking advice from Iran and his own family, not from us,鈥� he says.
鈥淎 bad setback, but we can get past this鈥�
Despite the Putin-era aura of success, this is far from the first time Moscow has faced a debacle in its Middle East relations.
Soviet-sponsored Syria lost two wars with Israel in 1967 and 1973, necessitating replacement of its military arsenal. Egyptian President Anwar Sadat canceled a treaty of friendship with the USSR in 1971, and kicked all Soviet advisers out of the country. Moscow鈥檚 disastrous war in Afghanistan in the 1980s poisoned its relations with the Muslim world, and even contributed to the collapse of the Soviet state.
鈥淲e鈥檝e got a long history of dealing with these countries, and we鈥檙e quite accustomed to seeing them defeated militarily,鈥� says Mr. Markov. 鈥淪o, the mood in Moscow [over the loss of Syria] is calm enough. It鈥檚 a bad setback, but we can get past this.鈥�
Unlike the former Soviet Union, which based its foreign policy on ideological calculations, Vladimir Putin鈥檚 Russia tends to take a pragmatic and transactional approach, seeking advantage where it can, says Fyodor Lukyanov, editor of Russia in Global Affairs, a Moscow-based foreign policy journal.
鈥淭he Middle East is a region where you can鈥檛 expect any lasting success,鈥� he says. 鈥淭he big loser in this turn of events is Iran, and the winners are Israel and Turkey.鈥�
As for Russian relations with Ankara, he says, 鈥淥f course Moscow is angry, because the Turks knew about the HTS offensive and didn鈥檛 say a word to us about it. But that鈥檚 how Russian-Turkish relations work in general: A very low level of trust, but we try to find common ground and work together where we can.鈥�
Moscow鈥檚 formerly good relations with Israel will grow even worse with the implosion of Russian military power in Syria. 鈥淚srael is becoming much stronger as a regional power,鈥� says Mr. Markov. 鈥淩ussia needs to think about how to deal with Israel in these new conditions, where it is a clear winner.鈥�
A shift in world affairs?
Mr. Lukyanov argues that the fall of Mr. Assad in world affairs, in which regional players take the lead and the influence of their great-power sponsors diminishes. The main actors in the Syrian drama are relatively independent ones, including Israel, Turkey, Iran, and even HTS. The U.S. and Russia are still on the stage, but are not driving events and, Mr. Lukyanov says, are increasingly irrelevant.
鈥淚t鈥檚 a seismic shift, in which outside powers are steadily losing influence and local actors are taking the lead,鈥� he says. 鈥淩ussian capacities are shrinking, but so are American ones. In future, regional powers will be the most important players, formulating their priorities in a regional way.鈥�
Russia already made the choice to put its own local interests first, declining to divert any resources from its war in Ukraine to help Mr. Assad.
鈥淢oscow needs to think about the implications of this,鈥� Mr. Lukyanov says. 鈥淢aybe the race for global influence is obsolete, and Russia needs to reformulate its ambitions in terms of being an effective regional power.鈥�
