海角大神

One political adviser called it Estonia鈥檚 biggest debate in the past five years, one that is 鈥渆xtremely emotional.鈥� A television executive in Tallinn said it would be the first topic he鈥檇 choose for a political 鈥渉ard talk鈥� show.

But they're not referring to the fear of Russia, which has kept defense analysts in this Baltic nation awake at night. Their focus is聽the controversy over Estonia鈥檚 plans to take in about 200 refugees over the next two years.

Estonia sits far from the chaotic border of Greece and Macedonia and the burned-down refugee centers in Germany 鈥� from the migrants storming the Eurotunnel into Britain or being rescued off the Mediterranean. And geography, language, and size suggests it won鈥檛 ever face the complex challenges of those European nations in the physical crossroads.

But Estonia is nevertheless focused intently on what obligation it has in Europe鈥檚 migrant crisis, a discussion that has been agitated by conservative political forces but also informed by its history of Soviet occupation. And even as this week鈥檚 tragedy in Austria 鈥� where 71 migrants were found dead in an abandoned truck 鈥� spurred European leaders to once again push for a mandatory system to redistribute refugees across the European Union, the response in Estonia shows Europe鈥檚 long road ahead on burden-sharing.

According to a TNS Emor poll commissioned by the Estonian government in June, when Estonia and many other countries dug in their heels on quotas, 42 percent of respondents said they , compared with 32 percent who welcome them.聽

鈥淭wo hundred immigrants will come next year and it鈥檚 [treated] like the end of the world. Two hundred people will destroy our society. How?鈥� asks Urmas Sutrop, the director of the Estonian Literary Museum, whose mission is to preserve Estonian cultural heritage. 鈥淭hese are not ideas that belong to a normal society.鈥�

He, like many others, sees a clear role for Estonia in this crisis, especially because Estonians have long emigrated for better job opportunities elsewhere.

Raido Kalbre, a young software developer in Tallinn, says he can鈥檛 understand what the controversy is about. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think Estonia is such a place that a lot of immigrants would want to come to,鈥� he says.

But the chatter he hears at the water cooler or dinner table suggests a deeply divided public.

And Andrus Valda, a taxi driver in Tallinn, says that his country of 1.3 million is too small to sustain an influx of newcomers. 鈥淲e are such a small nation,鈥� he says. 鈥淚t鈥檚 OK if just a few come, but not many believe it [will end with a few]. They think it starts at 200, and then it grows from there, and they will create a lot of problems for Estonia.鈥澛�

Echoes of Soviet-era worries

Part of the resistance stems from the same factors that have caused nations like the Czech Republic or Slovakia to reject mandatory quotas: These countries have no experiences with new migration patterns, especially with populations coming from Syria or Eritrea. While the Russian-speaking ethnic minority in Estonia comprises nearly a third of the population, almost all of that immigration took place during the Soviet era 鈥� and was largely unwelcome by ethnic Estonians.聽

That lack of experience, coupled with uncertain economic times and a euroskepticism fueled across the Continent by the migrant crisis and the latest Greek bailout, have allowed anti-immigrant, anti-EU forces to gain a foothold here. The nationalist Conservative People鈥檚 Party of Estonia, which emerged in 2012, captured 8.1 percent of the vote in this year鈥檚 parliamentary elections. It appeals to the sentiments that have also boosted the Finns Party in Finland and France鈥檚 National Front.

And Estonians' instinct to preserve their culture and language, given their history, makes it easier to inflame a sense of nationalism. Right after World War II, only 2.7 percent of the population was comprised of ethnic minorities. In 1989 that surged to 38.5 percent, mostly Soviet Union residents who came 鈥� or were forced to migrate 鈥� to toil in heavy industry.聽

鈥淭his was聽perceived as a kind of existential threat to the existence of Estonians,鈥� says Raivo Vetik, a professor of comparative politics at Tallinn University, 鈥渁nd in this context, also this new issue comes in.鈥�

Even though the number of new refugees is minimal, residents worry that they could soon see the kinds of images they鈥檝e watched on TV 鈥� almost all cite the 2013 immigrant riots in Sweden 鈥� in their own backyard.

Mr. Sutrop says he believes these concerns will dissipate once refugees arrive, 鈥渁nd people realize they are normal people,鈥� he says.

Mr. Vetik sees another potential upside. The Russian-speaking minority continues to be Estonian鈥檚 main integration problem, and with new refugees coming in, Vetik says, many are asking why there are still so many gaps between Estonian and Russian speakers. 鈥淭here are arguments that Estonians and Russians are so similar.鈥� We are much more similar compared to those new people coming in, so we should integrate fast, or more efficiently," he says. That鈥檚 been the 鈥減ositive note," he says.