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He has long been known to have strong opinions and a desire to聽publicly air them. Now a BBC Radio 4 documentary has revealed how聽Prince Charles has used his position to try and influence government聽policy, sometimes on topics he had not publicly expressed a聽view on.

In 聽titled "The Royal Activist," which aired last week,聽former government ministers described how the king-in-waiting tried to聽influence former prime minister Tony Blair's government in several areas, from education to聽climate change policy. The revelations have raised questions about聽whether members of the royal family 鈥� especially future monarchs 鈥撀爏hould be so partisan.

What did Prince Charles reportedly do?

Several ministers interviewed in the program described how Prince聽Charles lobbied them for changes in government policy.

David Blunkett,聽who was education minister between 1997 and 2001, told the BBC that Prince Charles tried to persuade the government to open more聽grammar schools. These are selective secondary schools, which along with what are known as secondary Moderns -- schools for those who failed to get into grammar聽schools -- made up the bulk of government-funded secondary schooling until the聽late 1960s.

"I would explain that our policy was not to expand grammar schools,聽and he didn't like that,鈥� Mr. Blunkett said. 鈥淗e was very聽keen that we should go back to a different era where youngsters had聽what he would have seen as the opportunity to escape from their聽background, whereas I wanted to change their background."

Michael Meacher, environment minister between 1997 and聽2003, described how he and the prince "would consort together quietly"聽to affect policy on climate change and genetically modified crops.聽They worked together, he said, 鈥渢o try and ensure that we increased聽our influence within government" and to "persuade Tony Blair to change聽course."

Another former Labour cabinet minister, Peter Hain, said that聽Prince Charles' efforts to encourage the government to back聽alternative forms of medicine, an interest he shared with Mr. Hain, had聽failed.

鈥淗e had been constantly frustrated at his inability to聽persuade any health ministers anywhere that that was a good idea," Hain revealed, "and聽so he ... found me unique from this point聽of view, in being somebody that actually agreed with him on this, and聽might want to deliver it."

Why are his actions a concern?

Britain has no single constitutional聽document and the powers of the monarch 鈥� known as the royal聽prerogative 鈥� are nowhere formally delineated. Although the monarch聽must sign any bill to make it a law, royal powers are limited, and the royal family must defer to the advice of the prime minister or other ministers.

As writer Walter Bagehot put it, 鈥渢he Queen reigns, but she does not rule.鈥�

Justin Fisher, professor of political science at Brunel University,聽says that when it comes to matters like influencing government, 鈥渋t is聽more of an understanding, a convention, that they [royalty] don't.鈥�

The thinking is, because聽members of the royal family are not elected they should not manipulate聽the way laws are made by democratically elected politicians.

For some, concerns over meddling by the prince are really in the future concerns -- when, and if, he becomes king.

If the government decides to do something they know the king will disapprove of, there will be聽inevitable speculation 鈥� chiefly in the media 鈥� about whether the聽palace and the government are at war. Such speculation is unthinkable under the current reign of Queen Elizabeth II because she is scrupulously private.

But if a future King Charles refused to sign into law a bill聽it could prompt a constitutional crisis, although observers think聽this is unlikely to happen.

For Graham Smith, chief executive officer of Republic, a lobby that campaigns for the end of the monarchy, even without such a聽crisis, Prince Charles' meddling is dangerous.聽

鈥淗e has direct secret access to ministers but there is an聽understanding he should stay out of politics,鈥� Mr. Smith says. 鈥淗e is not聽democratically accountable. If he was lobbying in a way the British聽public did not like there was nothing we could do about it.鈥�

As it happens, none of the ministers interviewed in the program felt聽Prince Charles was stepping too far over any line.

Asked if there might be a constitutional problem in the prince taking聽a political opinion, Mr. Meacher replied: "Well, over GM [genetically modified] I suppose you聽could well say that. Maybe he was pushing it a bit. I was delighted,聽of course."

Blunkett, for his part, expressed sympathy. "I can see constitutionally聽that there's an argument that the heir to the throne should not get聽involved in controversy; the honest truth is I didn't mind," he said. 聽鈥淚f you are waiting to be the king of the United Kingdom, and you've聽waited a very long time, you genuinely have to engage with something聽or you'd go spare."

Why is Prince Charles' meddling of interest now?

Prince Charles' attempts to influence government have been the focus聽of a nine-year freedom of information battle in which The Guardian聽newspaper has sought access to letters Prince Charles wrote to聽ministers. These are known as 鈥渂lack spider memos鈥� because of his聽characteristic scrawling handwriting.

Dominic Grieve, the attorney general, had blocked access to the聽letters saying their publication would cause constitutional problems聽by raising doubts over Prince Charles' political neutrality. But in聽March, three judges ruled that Mr. Grieve had acted unlawfully. The legal聽battle will now move to the British Supreme Court.聽

Are his reported interventions really without precedent in the modern聽monarchy? Or were Elizabeth and her father just better at hiding their聽hands? The interventions of Prince Charles stand in marked contrast to the聽style of Queen Elizabeth, whose private opinions on most topics remain聽a mystery to the British public.

But, 鈥渨e don't actually know how unusual [Prince Charles' habit of聽intervening] is,鈥� says Prof. Fisher. 鈥淚f it has happened in the聽past people have been more discreet.鈥�

Former prime minister John Major, speaking in the Radio 4 documentary shed some light on聽this. He said that it would have been 鈥渧ery foolish鈥� not to have聽been influenced by the Queen. 鈥淚 can recall occasions where the Queen聽in discussion put a gloss upon something that made one think and聽reflect upon whether it was being done in the right fashion.鈥�

The rights and wrongs of royal lobbying probably, then, come down to a聽question of degree. Prince Charles seems to have inherited a little of聽his father's inability to know when to stay quiet. Most of his聽outbursts have concerned architecture: he has said Birmingham Central聽Library looks 鈥渓ike a place where books are incinerated鈥� and that a聽stainless steel lecture hall at Essex University looked 鈥渓ike a聽dustbin.鈥�

Many observers thought a princely foray into political commentary in May was聽inadvisable: he compared Russian president Vladimir Putin to Adolf聽Hitler.

But at a time when Britain is feeling squeezed, observers say it would聽be wise for Prince Charles to keep his council. The cost of the聽monarchy to the taxpayer rose nearly six percent last year, it was聽revealed last week, more than double the rate of inflation. This was largely due to restoration work on royal buildings.

鈥淚 don't think this impacts on the British public much,鈥� says Fisher. 鈥淏ut it is grist to the mill of those who are聽opposed to the monarchy.鈥�