海角大神

It鈥檚 hard to find Spanish children these days who want to grow up to be president.

For the first time in nine years, Spanish children included politics as one the least favorite professions they aspire to pursue when they grow up.

The poll results released last week by Adecco, a human resources consulting firm, are anecdotal. But they are an illustration of Spanish society鈥檚 evolving relations with what a vast majority of Spaniards perceive as inherently corrupt institutions and leadership.

Society鈥檚 stance on corruption is blurry though. On the one hand, Spaniards are among the least likely to engage in corruption 鈥� such as paying bribes 鈥� among Western peers, according to Transparency International reports over the years. On the other hand they tolerate what most consider a rotten political and corporate culture.

But the stream of scandals involving Spain's rich and powerful 鈥� including most important political parties, the royal family, banks and other major corporations, the armed forces, and even sports teams 鈥� cheating to enrich themselves, coupled with the worst economic pain in decades, may be touching a nerve. A combination of research, expert opinion, and voter trends evidence suggest that Spaniards' tolerance of corruption is beginning to wither.

Multiple historic and even cultural factors help explain why 鈥渢he relation with those in power is corrupt, even if Spaniards are not,鈥� says Manuel Villoria, a political scientist at Rey Juan Carlos University who researches corruption. 鈥淚n essence, Spaniards are not corrupt, but there is a lot of corruption at the political level, especially in local and regional governments.鈥�

鈥淎re we learning? There is early evidence of a civil reaction and polls suggest things are changing,鈥� Dr. Villoria says. 鈥淏ut we don鈥檛 see significant institutional reform to accompany that and we don鈥檛 know if it will stick.鈥�

Double standard

Corruption 鈥渋s tolerated or accepted鈥� by Spaniards as a normal practice in politics, according to a qualitative analysis of society鈥檚 perception of corruption published by the autonomous government agency Center for Sociological Research in 2011.

It鈥檚 a top-down phenomenon 鈥渂ecause power enables鈥� corruption, 鈥渂ut it also feeds from below, from very tolerant citizens鈥� behavior toward minor forms of corruption, such as avoiding paying taxes and using personal contacts to achieve personal benefits,鈥� the report said.

Corruption and clientelism 鈥� the exchange of economic gain for political support 鈥� are tolerated especially when the ill-gotten benefits trickle down, several studies show. That doesn鈥檛 mean that Spaniards like how things work, but rather that they see no alternative to playing along. In so doing, though, they inadvertently reinforce a system that inevitably hurts them in the long term.

鈥淗istorically, corrupt officials have not been punished in elections and this is indicative of a double standard,鈥� Villoria says. 鈥淲hen there鈥檚 a crisis we expect Scandinavian rigor,鈥� referring to northern European countries that consistently rank as the world鈥檚 most transparent. 鈥淏ut when the economy was going well there was a lot less rigor and significantly more tolerance.鈥�

Spaniards cited corruption and fraud as the country鈥檚 second most pressing problem, behind unemployment, according to the July monthly barometer released by the Center for Sociological Research.聽Politicians and political parties rank fourth.

Concern over corruption more than tripled in tandem with the worsening economic crisis over the last twelve months. In July 2012, it ranked as the fourth most pressing problem. But the concern was basically nonexistent for well over a decade until 2009, when the worst of the crisis took hold of Spain.

Indeed, not since the early 1990s 鈥� also during an economic downturn 鈥� has corruption been as big a concern as it now.

Touching a nerve

It鈥檚 not that there is more corruption now, experts say, but several high-profile cases of rampant personal profiteering have hit a nerve amid the economic pain of millions of Spaniards 鈥� fueling an unprecedented mistrust of the country鈥檚 institutions.

Courts are investigating King Juan Carlos鈥檚 son-in-law; over a hundred officials and business leaders in a corruption ring allegedly run by the Socialist Party-governed Andalusia region; several corporate executives, especially from the construction sector; and regional leaders and government ministers.

The most damaging case though involves the governing Popular Party and its top leaders, all the way up to Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy.

A jailed former PP treasurer is being tried for his role in an alleged institutionally sanctioned scheme to procure illegal cash payments from mostly construction companies in exchange for state contracts. The slush fund was then used for campaigning, luxurious expenses, and cash bonuses for leaders.

Mr. Rajoy denied in parliament this month any personal or PP wrongdoing, accusing the former treasurer of acting alone. Opposition parties demanded the government鈥檚 resignation and suggested that any northern European leader in his shoes would have long stepped down.

But Rajoy is shielded by the robust voter mandate he won in November 2011 election, when several corruptions investigations in party finances were already under way.

鈥淪pain is an immature democracy,鈥� says Fernando Jimenez, a political science professor in Pablo Olavide University in Seville and an expert on corruption. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a 30-year-old democracy and Spain hasn鈥檛 developed the culture of political responsibility.鈥�

Change?

鈥淚 don鈥檛 deny there are some cultural factors,鈥� says Villoria. Spaniards are very mistrustful of power wherever it lies, and have historically concluded that 鈥渟ince everyone is corrupt, then all must act in a corrupt way. That is why citizens reward those who are corrupt.鈥�

There are signs though that Spaniards might have just had enough of tolerating corruption. Voter intention polls show continued dissent from dominant political parties to the benefit of smaller organizations, in a sign that even the most traditional voters are turning their backs on how things have worked so far.

鈥淪ociety increasingly is concluding that it has to bet on other political actors, and this hadn鈥檛 been the case before,鈥� says Dr. Jim茅nez. 鈥淒emographic studies also show those who are fed up are well educated and between 25 and 45 years old, with a lot of capacity to organize. That wasn鈥檛 the case before either, because elites were the reactive ones.鈥�

There is room for optimism, experts agree. But it鈥檚 still early. There is a risk that country leaders will co-opt popular demands and limit themselves to cosmetic reforms, 鈥渁nd that will only increase the social crisis,鈥� Jim茅nez says.