海角大神

It was with a sinking dread in March 2012 that Imam Mohamed Khattabi, of the mosque Averro猫s Ibn Rochd of Montpellier, heard that a Muslim gunman had opened fire in Toulouse killing seven, including three children, at a Jewish day school.

It was not just remorse for the senseless death in the city, 150 miles away in southern France. He also knew the fury that would be unleashed upon France鈥檚 Muslim community by the far right, which has been gaining ground across Europe on the back of anti-immigrant sentiment.

So his mosque conceived to temper the confusion and fear that ensued, inviting Catholics, Jews, atheists, and even the far right itself to the mosque to, he says, teach people that Islam is not anathema to the values of the French Republic.

鈥淭he idea is to show that Islam is an open religion. It鈥檚 a religion close, not far. Of peace, not against peace,鈥� he says in his office, as men start filtering into the mosque for afternoon prayers.

Their first attempt at integration was so successful they held a second 鈥淥pen Mosque Day鈥澛爐his June: 5,000 people across Montpellier showed up.

Such efforts might impact only a tiny swath of the French population, but they come at a key moment, as intolerance reaches new modern highs, driven by an ascendant far-right movement. Just this Sunday, the government said that a young French soldier was arrested near Lyon for planning to attack a local mosque. He held views "close to those of the radical extreme right," having already attacked a mosque in Bordeaux last year, France鈥檚 interior ministry said.

Muslims are not the only targets of the radical right, which the governments says include about 3,000 members. Throughout the year, extremist groups protested, at points violently, on the fringes of anti-gay marriage marches. In June, a 19-year-old far leftist, Clement Meric, was dealt a fatal blow in the middle of Paris at the hands of a far-right extremist, rocking the country 鈥� and leading the French government in July to outlaw five extreme right groups.

鈥淭here is no place in our country for hate, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, or anti-Muslim acts,鈥� said Interior Minister Manuel Valls last month while outlawing groups including L鈥橭euvre Francasie (the French Work), the Jeunesses Nationalistes (the National Youth), the Troisieme Voie (Third Way), and Envie de Rever (Desire to Dream).

Far-right extremists have not necessarily grown in numbers in the past decade, says Jean-Yves Camus, an expert on the extreme right at the聽Institute for International and Strategic Relations聽in Paris.聽But they鈥檝e grown in visibility. 聽鈥淢any youngsters have become quite radicalized over the last few years, especially on the issue of the multicultural society,鈥� he says.

The National Front

It comes as the mainstream far right is garnering support at the polls. In France鈥檚 presidential elections last year, the National Front (FN) won its biggest slice of the national vote ever, nearly 20 percent, promising to push back against the 鈥淚slamization鈥� of France.

France follows trends across Europe, where the appeal of the right overall has grown. Much of their success is connected to Europe's sovereign debt聽crisis, says Gilles Ivaldi, an expert in the far right at the University of Nice. France鈥檚 FN, for example, in addition to adopting an anti-immigration platform, has advocated for France to exit the euro, part of 鈥渢he development of a new 'crisis-ridden populism,' which is observable across a number of Western European countries,鈥� including Denmark, the Netherlands, Finland, and Sweden, Mr. Ivaldi says. 聽

The FN, led today by Marine Le Pen, has attempted to distance itself from the more radical actions today, calling for example Mr. Meric鈥檚 death 鈥渁ppalling鈥� and seeking to disassociate itself with the violence that played out at anti gay-marriage marches across France.

But as its electoral pull has grown stronger,聽its platform聽has gotten louder.聽Ms. Le Pen made a speech in 2010, as she fought for leadership of the party, saying that Muslims holding prayers in the streets was like an occupation.

"For those who like to talk about World War II, to talk about occupation, we could talk about, for once, the occupation of our territory. There are no armored vehicles, no soldiers, but it is an occupation all the same, and it weighs on people,鈥� she . She could face prosecution for inciting racial hatred, after European parliamentary immunity was waived last month.

Anti-Muslim backlash

Muslims in France say that they鈥檝e felt a backlash. Kenny Miath, who converted to Islam recently, says that it鈥檚 certainly easier to be a Catholic in France than a Muslim, but that Islam drew him in. As it has, he says he feels further estranged on the streets of Montpellier. 聽鈥淲hen you walk down the street with a carpet [to pray] and [traditional] robe, lots of people look at you like you are a terrorist,鈥� he says.

Imam Khattabi says his goal is to make Muslims in France feel that they do belong, and to show non-Muslims why. He says he doesn鈥檛 believe there is more discrimination today than a decade prior 鈥� but that there is more fear. At Open Mosque Day, which the mosque now plans on organizing twice a year, 80 percent of attendees are non-Muslims, he says, who filter around stands that educate citizens about Islam and women, Islam and other religions, traditional foods, and terrorism.

鈥淢uslim people accept France, but some people in France don鈥檛 accept Muslims,鈥� he says. 鈥淢y role is to explain to Muslims that they aren鈥檛 strangers. And to continue to tell other non-Muslims that we are not a threat.鈥�