海角大神

How relations with Venezuela may look under President Biden

As Venezuelan President Nicol谩s Maduro shows new signs of flexibility, the Biden administration is weighing options for how to approach the leadership. 鈥淭he question is whether the White House is ready to commit to a full-fledged negotiations strategy," said one expert. 

|
Matias Delacroix/AP
A man waits to unload bags of basic food staples from the CLAP government food assistance program in Caracas, Venezuela, April 10, 2021. Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro signed a deal to let the U.N. World Food Program provide school meals for 1.5 million children.

Venezuelan President Nicol谩s Maduro鈥檚 government is intensifying efforts to court the Biden administration as the new United States president weighs whether to risk a political backlash in Florida and ease up on sanctions seeking to isolate the socialist leader.

In the past two weeks, Mr. Maduro conceded to longstanding U.S. demands that the World Food Program be allowed to establish a foothold in the country at a time of growing hunger. His allies also vowed to work with the U.S.-backed opposition to vaccinate Venezuelans against the coronavirus and have met with diplomats from Norway trying to revive negotiations to end the country鈥檚 never-ceasing political strife.

The frenzy of activity comes as senior U.S. officials are reviewing policy toward Venezuela. An interagency meeting, which was originally scheduled to take place Monday and include Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman but was postponed at the last minute, will focus on whether the U.S. should take steps to support an uncertain attempt at dialogue between Mr. Maduro and his opponents, said two people who insisted on anonymity to discuss classified diplomatic matters.

鈥淎ll these recent movement points to Maduro trying to get Washington鈥檚 attention,鈥 said Geoffrey Ramsey, a Venezuela watcher at the Washington Office on Latin America. 鈥淭he question is whether the White House is ready to commit to a full-fledged negotiations strategy, or whether it will continue to play it safe and keep the policy on the back burner.鈥

Venezuelan Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza and Jorge Rodriguez, the head of the pro-Maduro congress and a key promoter of dialogue, wouldn鈥檛 comment when asked about the recent moves by Mr. Maduro.

Mr. Ramsey said even more goodwill gestures could be on the horizon.

Tuesday is the deadline for a committee in the Maduro-controlled congress to present a list of candidates for the National Electoral Council. Behind the scenes, moderates aligned with former presidential candidate Henrique Capriles have been meeting with Maduro representatives to push for the inclusion of two opposition rectors on the five-member board. If the demand is met, it could pave the way for Mr. Maduro鈥檚 opponents to participate in mayoral and gubernatorial elections later this year.

Also in the mix is future of several American citizens jailed in Venezuela. In recent months, former New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson has pressed Mr. Maduro and senior aides to release six former executives at Houston-based CITGO who U.S. officials believe are unjustly imprisoned as well as two former Green Berets who participated in a failed raid last year staged from neighboring Colombia and a former U.S. Marine being held on unrelated allegations.

So far, the posturing by Mr. Maduro has failed to impress officials in Washington.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken has described Mr. Maduro as a 鈥渂rutal dictator鈥 and vowed to continue recognizing opposition leader Juan Guaid贸 as Venezuela鈥檚 rightful leader 鈥 a position shared by more than 50 nations.

Other than promising to work more with U.S. allies and support the delivery of more humanitarian aid to Venezuela, the Biden administration has done little to unwind former President Donald Trump鈥檚 鈥渕aximum pressure鈥 campaign to unseat Mr. Maduro.

The politics of engaging with Mr. Maduro are treacherous. Past attempts at dialogue have failed to produce a breakthrough and ended up strengthening Mr. Maduro, whose grip on power relies on support from the military as well as allies Iran, China, and Russia 鈥 all of whom have seen their influence expand since Mr. Guaid贸, with U.S. support, tried to ignite protests by declaring himself president in 2019 after Mr. Maduro was re-elected in a vote boycotted by the opposition when several of its leaders were barred from running.

That hasn鈥檛 stopped others from trying to bring the two sides together, however. This week, the Vatican鈥檚 secretary of state, Cardinal Pietro Parolin, is traveling to Venezuela in what many observers see as an effort by the Holy See to test the waters for another attempt at negotiations like the ones it mediated with former Spanish President Jose Luiz Rodriguez Zapatero in 2016.

While the trip鈥檚 stated purpose is to attend the April 30 beatification of Jos茅 Gregorio Hern谩ndez, known as the 鈥渄octor of the poor鈥 for his caring of the sick in the 1800s, Mr. Parolin is the Vatican鈥檚 former ambassador to Venezuela and his highly unusual trip suggests more than just saint-making is on the agenda.

But both supporters and opponents of more active U.S. engagement agree that the biggest obstacle is Florida. Mr. Trump comfortably carried the battleground state in part due to hardline policies preferred by immigrant voters fleeing Cuba, Venezuela, and other authoritarian governments. With Democrats holding a slim six-seat majority in the House of Representatives, betting on Mr. Maduro to follow through on his word could end up hurting their chances in midterm elections.

鈥淎s of today, there is simply no reason to believe the Maduro regime is acting in good faith,鈥 said Elliott Abrams, who served as Mr. Trump鈥檚 special envoy to Venezuela and Iran. He cited Mr. Maduro鈥檚 failure to honor an agreement last year brokered by the World Health Organization鈥檚 regional arm to combat the coronavirus pandemic as just one example.

鈥淓very engagement by Biden with the Maduro regime undermines the democratic opposition,鈥 said Mr. Abrams, now a senior fellow at the Council of Foreign Relations. 鈥淚f the US is going to engage at any point, it should only be done in the context of serious negotiations between the regime and the opposition, to help those negotiations succeed.鈥

The planned U.S. policy meeting is unlikely to produce any immediate shift and follows at least one previous high-level meeting by senior Biden officials at several agencies 鈥 the Treasury, Justice, Commerce, and State Departments as well as the White House 鈥 to discuss Venezuela.

However, it could provide a roadmap for future U.S. actions should momentum toward negotiations build, the two people said, including the lifting of a Trump-era ban on diesel fuel swaps that even some of Mr. Maduro鈥檚 opponents say is worsening hunger by making it harder to move food supplies to market in diesel-powered trucks.

The U.S. must also decide by June whether to allow Chevron to resume limited drilling and oil shipments 鈥 a potential lifeline to Mr. Maduro, who is desperate for every dollar as oil production under his watch has fallen to its lowest level since the 1930s despite abundant crude reserves. As part of a waiver from sanctions granted last year, the U.S. oil giant and its American partners were ordered to cease all operations except those strictly necessary to maintain its assets in the country.

The State Department wouldn鈥檛 comment on Monday鈥檚 meeting or the status of the review of U.S. policy. However, a spokesperson for the Bureau of Western Hemisphere said the U.S. welcomes efforts to relieve the suffering of the Venezuelan people and bring the country鈥檚 humanitarian crisis to an end through effective international cooperation.

To be sure, not all of the signals coming from Caracas are encouraging.

Last week, when the State Department celebrated the World Food Program鈥檚 announcement it would begin providing emergency food assistance to 1.5 million Venezuelan children, Foreign Minister Arreaza took to Twitter to accuse the U.S. of 鈥渒idnapping鈥 Venezuela鈥檚 resources in international banks through 鈥渃riminal sanctions.鈥

That triggered a bitter exchange which ended with Mr. Arreaza vowing to present as evidence of blackmail to the International Criminal Court a tweet by a senior State Department official conditioning sanctions relief on the release of political prisoners and the organizing of free and fair elections.

鈥淚f Washington鈥檚 responses remain exclusively public 鈥 via Twitter or television 鈥 without a counterpart in a private diplomatic channel, progress or any sort of thaw or transition will be painful and full of mistrust,鈥 said Phil Gunson, a Caracas-based analyst for the Brussels-based International Crisis Group.

While Mr. Gunson said Maduro鈥檚 limited willingness to engage in partial agreements should be reciprocated wherever possible to encourage further opening, overcoming the inertia of the Trump years will be difficult.

鈥淭here is no quick fix in Venezuela,鈥 said Mr. Gunson. 鈥淎 solution is going to require subtlety and long-term engagement.鈥

This story was reported by The Associated Press. Associated Press writers Matthew Lee in Washington and Nicole Winfield in Rome contributed to this report.

You've read  of  free articles. Subscribe to continue.
Real news can be honest, hopeful, credible, constructive.
海角大神 was founded in 1908 to lift the standard of journalism and uplift humanity. We aim to 鈥渟peak the truth in love.鈥 Our goal is not to tell you what to think, but to give you the essential knowledge and understanding to come to your own intelligent conclusions. Join us in this mission by subscribing.
QR Code to How relations with Venezuela may look under President Biden
Read this article in
/World/Americas/2021/0427/How-relations-with-Venezuela-may-look-under-President-Biden
QR Code to Subscription page
Start your subscription today
/subscribe