Democracy on the brink? US has familiar echo for Latin Americans.
| Mexico City
When a mob of protesters stormed the U.S. Capitol Jan. 6, the world looked on in shock. But for many in Latin America 鈥� where caudillos, coups, and delicate democracies have emerged repeatedly over the past century 鈥� the violence in Washington felt uncomfortably familiar.
Although democracy has arguably strengthened across the region in recent decades, many Latin Americans have experienced anti-democratic leaders and violent protests firsthand: from the long, slow erosion of democracy in Venezuela, to a coup and contested elections in Honduras; or violent protests in front of Argentina鈥檚 presidential palace that forced the president to flee by helicopter, and demonstrators climbing on the roof of congress in Brazil.
The comparisons aren鈥檛 perfect. But as the U.S. debates how to move forward, with the rest of the world watching, some Latin Americans see an opportunity for reflection 鈥� and possible lessons for the United States from neighbors to the south. The U.S. may have arrived at the brink earlier this month, but it鈥檚 now facing a pivotal moment, they say, when decisions of politicians and citizens alike will determine the path ahead.
Why We Wrote This
For many in the U.S., the past few weeks have been a reality check on the idea of American exceptionalism. Watching from abroad, some in Latin America see lessons from their own countries鈥� experiences.
鈥淚t worries me because if this happens in the U.S., where are we headed?鈥� asks Lourdes Ram铆rez, an award-winning Honduran journalist. 鈥淭here need to be sanctions or some kind of accountability [for President Donald Trump], because there can鈥檛 be absolute power. That鈥檚 what I鈥檝e admired about the U.S. 鈥� the checks from Congress and the Senate. That鈥檚 what allowed it to avoid what鈥檚 happened in Honduras.鈥�
In the wake of the Jan. 6 unrest, some U.S. politicians were criticized for comparing the riots to what they鈥檇 expect to see happen in 鈥渂anana republics鈥� or the 鈥淭hird World.鈥� For many in Latin America, the subtext was the idea that U.S. democracy can鈥檛 fall prey to the same threats that have emerged in other parts of the world.
鈥淲hat these analogies miss out on is that Latin American democracies have actually been pretty stable for the past 30 years,鈥� says Brian Winter, editor-in-chief of 鈥淎mericas Quarterly.鈥� 鈥淎s a matter of fact, some countries in the region you could argue today are more stable than the U.S.,鈥� like Uruguay and Costa Rica, which have built strong institutions and electoral traditions.
Yet the U.S. and Latin America may have more in common than Americans like to acknowledge.
The attempts to overturn the 2020 election underscore 鈥渙ur countries are less different than we thought in a lot of ways,鈥� says Mr. Winter, who has lived in and studied the region for two decades. 鈥淭he polarization, the institutional decay, the rising inequality. All the things that have been in the headlines in Latin America for years, we鈥檙e now seeing in our politics in the U.S.鈥�
The view from Caracas
Venezuela is a modern poster child for crumbling democracy: from years of extreme inequality, and firebrand Hugo Ch谩vez鈥檚 rise to power, to multiple coup attempts, constitutional changes to allow his reelection, highly manipulated elections, and the decline of independent institutions.
After the Capitol riot, Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza tweeted that felt pulled from the twilight zone: 鈥淰enezuela expresses its concern over the acts of violence that are taking place in the city of Washington, USA; condemns political polarization and hopes that the American people can blaze a new path toward stability and social justice.鈥�
For many Venezuelans, watching events in the U.S. stirred up memories of their nation鈥檚 own missed opportunities, for citizens and politicians alike.
Like much of the U.S. in recent years, Venezuela was highly polarized by its former president, Mr. Ch谩vez, who tapped into the media to rally his base and decry his detractors. 鈥淲hen you went to meet people for the first time, one of the first questions you were asked was 鈥楢re you for or against Ch谩vez?鈥欌�� recalls Mariano de Alba, a Venezuelan lawyer specializing in international relations. He sees parallels with stories he hears from friends in the U.S. of families and communities divided over their support for Mr. Trump.
鈥淚t became, really quickly, an us-versus-them scenario on both sides,鈥� he says. 鈥淥bviously that climate of polarization leads to other troubling things that we鈥檙e also seeing in the U.S., like the media being attacked as not impartial, or people seeking out sources that will tell them what they want to believe.鈥� U.S. citizens have a responsibility to build bridges where they can, he adds.
In retrospect, it鈥檚 easy to spot mistakes by Mr. Ch谩vez鈥檚 opponents, Mr. de Alba says. Many people left government during his early years in office, and the opposition at times burned bridges instead of fighting to maintain them 鈥� such as with the military.
鈥淪o, when the conflict got to the point where in order for things to change you really needed a channel of communication with people with opposing views, it just didn鈥檛 exist,鈥� he says. 鈥淚t鈥檚 hard to come back from.鈥�
Elsa Cardozo, a retired professor of international affairs at Venezuela鈥檚 Andr茅s Bello Catholic University, says this is a key moment for educators at all levels in the U.S. Teachers must cultivate not just knowledge about democracy and respecting its norms, but critical thinking and self-reflection. 鈥淭hat was something really ignored and overlooked for many years in Venezuela before Ch谩vez鈥� rose to power, she says. An engaged population that understands democracy, and its own political moment, is harder for politicians to take advantage of, she adds.
Reconciliation 鈥� or not
Polarization was the name of the game in Honduras in the late 2000s as well. Then-President Manuel Zelaya found success in speaking to a portion of the Honduran population that had long felt overlooked and ignored by traditional politicians. But his pledge to hold an unofficial referendum on whether to change the constitution to allow for presidential reelection led to a military-backed coup in 2009.
Less than a decade later, conservative judges overruled the constitution鈥檚 ban, allowing the political coalitions behind the coup to present a candidate for reelection. Institutional independence deteriorated, widespread protests became regular occurrences, and the 2017 reelection of President Juan Orlando Hern谩ndez was widely criticized internationally for irregularities.
Lester Ram铆rez, director of governance and transparency at the Association for a More Just Society, says one of the biggest lessons learned from Honduras鈥� 2009 coup, and the years of eroding democratic institutions and attacks on civil society that followed, was the need for reconciliation. 鈥淚f we had had a reconciliation process in all of society, I think we would have avoided the type of leadership that we have right now,鈥� he says. 鈥淲e thought that by having elections we would start a new chapter. We did, but we鈥檙e still carrying baggage from the last chapter before it.鈥�
Ms. Ram铆rez, the journalist, agrees. There was a truth commission following the 2009 coup, 鈥渂ut no one took the recommendations seriously,鈥� she says, urging U.S. politicians not to do the same. 鈥淪o we kept weakening our democracy and our rights.鈥�
Mr. Ram铆rez (no relation to Lourdes Ram铆rez) says he鈥檚 rooting for the U.S.鈥檚 recovery from today鈥檚 deep divisions and animosity. If the U.S. can heal from this, perhaps that鈥檚 something they can 鈥渆xport,鈥� alongside messages of democracy targeted toward Latin America. Given that economic and political divisions 鈥� and the leadership that plays into these divides 鈥� are challenges facing many Latin American societies, he鈥檇 love to see a solution in the U.S. that could be implemented internationally.
鈥淚鈥檇 like to see a good counter-effect to populism and authoritarianism,鈥� he says. 鈥淪omething that can give people economic opportunities and a chance to share their voice.鈥�
