海角大神

Valeria Palacio lives in a space dominated by former Venezuelan President Hugo Ch谩vez. Her run-down apartment has a Ch谩vez portrait painted on the living room wall and a little statue of the late socialist leader placed on听a shrinelike coffee table, surrounded by his books and even a replica of his iconic red beret.听

But听there is no sign of the current president, Nicol谩s Maduro, Mr. Ch谩vez鈥檚 handpicked successor. 鈥淰enezuela is broken. Maduro has done poorly,鈥� says Ms. Palacio, who works as a supermarket vendor.听听

The widespread hunger, sky-high inflation, rampant crime, and acute shortages that have hit the country hard over the past three years have started to poke holes in many Venezuelans鈥� once unbreakable faith in the government. Maduro was supposed to be a 鈥渟teward鈥� safeguarding Ch谩vez鈥檚 revolution, but instead, Palacio says, he鈥檚 鈥渄estroying鈥� it.听

Yet she still supports him.

The former leader out of poverty and delivered government programs to some of the most ignored portions of the population, thanks to soaring oil prices. Palacio says she can鈥檛 let go of her hope that his revolutionary model will once again flourish. 鈥淚f the revolution [ceases to exist] I would lose my soul,鈥� she says.听鈥淭his is about the Chavista way of life.鈥�

Palacio isn鈥檛 alone in her struggle to square her passionate support for Ch谩vez鈥檚 鈥�21st听Century Socialism鈥澨齱ith a crumbling economy and bland but iron-fisted leader.

On Jan. 23, National Assembly leader Juan听Guaid贸 declared that Maduro鈥檚 most recent election was invalid, making Mr. Guaid贸 himself the nation鈥檚 interim president until a fresh vote can be held. Since then, the newly invigorated opposition has gained momentum, posing the biggest challenge so far to Maduro鈥檚 increasingly authoritarian government.听Amid the visible growth in suffering across Venezuela, with an estimated听3 million fleeing over the past three years, some听Chavistas听鈥� as supporters of听Ch谩vez鈥檚听political project are known听鈥� are starting to question some of their political beliefs and who represents them.

It鈥檚 a key moment of reckoning for Venezuela. Support for Maduro has , according to Caracas-based听pollster Datan谩lisis, but that doesn鈥檛 necessarily mean that the majority of听Chavistas听back the opposition. If听Chavistas听renounce Maduro, the opposition鈥檚 chances of taking the nation in a new direction increase. But to win them over, the opposition has to appeal to those like Palacio: Venezuelans who still venerate Ch谩vez and his plans for the revolution despite the disappointments of his successor.

鈥淢aduro and听Chavismo听are two different things. Maduro鈥檚 approval rating has been around 20 percent听for the last three years听while the popularity of Ch谩vez and his revolutionary legacy have been听slightly over 50听percent听steadily,鈥� says听Luis Vicente Le贸n, a听political analyst and director of Datan谩lisis.

鈥楲oyal always鈥�

Guaid贸听is starting to make inroads among Maduro fans and Chavistas alike. He鈥檚 also appealed to constituents who say they didn鈥檛 feel a connection to any existing leadership option 鈥� in the opposition or otherwise.

鈥淕uaid贸听has now a majority of Venezuelans behind him, roughly over 50 percent,鈥� says Mr. Le贸n.

However,听Chavistas听still fill up the streets of Venezuelan towns in their signature red shirts, proclaiming steadfast support for the Maduro government. People of all ages gather at rallies alongside a striking presence of uniformed soldiers. Supporters dance, sing, and call out in unison slogans like 鈥淟oyal always, traitors never!鈥� 听听

Pro-government demonstrators keep showing up for different reasons. Some say they support Maduro purely out of pragmatism: Despite acute shortages of basic food and medical products, the government still gives supporters handouts. still receive food subsidies, according to government figures, and others have free housing or modest financial support. That could all disappear if Maduro falls.听听

鈥淭he government is the people. They care about us. The opposition is only interested in power and money,鈥� says听a听Chavista听who introduced himself by a pseudonym, Armandio, at a recent rally in downtown Caracas.听

But others, like Palacio, are with Maduro only because of their deep belief in Chavismo. They call themselves 鈥淐havistas听of heart.鈥� For them,听21st听Century Socialism, as Ch谩vez dubbed his revolution, was a great success听until听the economic downturn.听Some are quick to blame the opposition for an 鈥渆conomic war,鈥� a common Maduro refrain.听

鈥淭here are dark interests fighting against our revolution,鈥� says Saul Romero, a self-proclaimed 鈥渄iehard听Chavista鈥澨齱ho lives in the working-class neighborhood of Petare. The 鈥渞ich global elite are after our oil, gold, and diamonds. They don鈥檛 care about democracy at all.鈥澨�听听

Mr. Romero, an electrician who has voted in all 23 elections since Ch谩vez assumed the presidency in 1999, says the international aid stalled at the Colombia-Venezuela border is a hypocritical gesture, since he blames the US-imposed 鈥渆mbargo 鈥� blocking every financial transaction鈥� for the shortages in food and medicine today.

鈥淔irst, they harm us, and then they send us a pittance,鈥� Romero says, agreeing with Maduro鈥檚 decision to block the foreign aid.

Others听say they are ready to take up arms to defend the revolution. Supporters like 脕ngel, a Chavista in his 70s, are easy to find on the streets, usually sitting under tarps in areas called puntos听rojos, or red points. These sites serve as meeting points for casual chats and meetings听to plan grass-roots action. Some have formed militant groups to intimidate government critics.

鈥淲e are at war, my friend,鈥� says 脕ngel,听resting in a chair at the downtown Sabana Grande promenade. He鈥檚 overseeing part of the 鈥�10 million signatures campaign,鈥� an initiative urging Maduro supporters to sign their names on official documents to denounce any possible US military invasion.听听

Splintering support

Chavistas听used to听form a united, ideologically rigid block,听but vocal听dissidents are starting to emerge.听听听

鈥淭his regime is a criminal enterprise that plunders the natural resources and is bent on destroying every institution to achieve absolute control,鈥� says Carlos Molina, who served as Ch谩vez鈥檚听tourism听vice minister and now supports the opposition.听

Guaid贸听and the opposition are encouraging more people like Mr. Molina to join them.听His听deputy in the National Assembly, Stalin Gonzales, suggests Chavistas听should be part of the transitional government led by Guaid贸.

This kind of outreach in a nation long defined by its political polarization is an attempt to appeal to and reassure people like Palacio, who see an ideological rupture between Maduro and听Ch谩vez.听听听听听

Palacio doesn鈥檛 appear poised to budge just yet. Under听Ch谩vez,听鈥淔or the first time, we, the poor people, were recognized and represented in Miraflores,鈥� she says, referring to the presidential palace.听听听

Romero agrees. He says revolutionary values like solidarity, equality, and high morals are deeply embedded in the hearts and souls of听Chavistas. He remains a committed one, he says, and thus far the opposition听and听Guaid贸听haven鈥檛 offered enough to convince him otherwise.