海角大神

Friday night in Tegucigalpa felt more like a neighborhood block party than part of one of the biggest protests in recent Honduran history, with Tiki torches alight, live music blasting, and families mugging for photos.

The celebratory vibe reflected the high hopes for change among the thousands of Hondurans who have taken to the streets across the country over the past two months to challenge government corruption and impunity, with some protesters calling for the removal of President Juan Orlando Hern谩ndez.

Hondurans are no strangers to scandal 鈥� from a 2009 coup to extrajudicial police killings, 鈥渨e鈥檝e come to expect it,鈥� says retiree Anastacio Ramirez. But with the discovery of the alleged theft of hundreds of thousands of dollars from the social security institute 鈥� some of which was donated to President Hern谩ndez's聽2013 election campaign, according to a congressional report 鈥� many citizens say they鈥檝e hit their limit.

鈥淲e鈥檝e spent our lives sitting down,鈥� says Jose Santos, a blue and white Honduran flag draped around his neck. 鈥淏ut when the government plays with the health and well being of its people? It鈥檚 time to stand up to the bully.鈥�

The marches have been largely peaceful, and political party symbols have been banned from them, though some political groups have piggybacked on the movement. It鈥檚 a pivotal moment for the country, observers say, as citizens from across economic classes and of all ages participate, demanding the creation of an independent anticorruption commission, similar to the nearly nine-year old International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG).

鈥淭his is a very positive moment for Honduras,鈥� says Carlos Hern谩ndez Martinez, executive director for the Asociaci贸n para una Sociedad m谩s Justa (ASJ). It鈥檚 the first time citizens have mobilized against corruption, he says, and regardless of the end result, he sees that alone as 鈥渁 victory.鈥�

Lessons from Guatemala?

On Friday, black plumes of smoke from flaming torches rose above the protesters marching toward the US Embassy here. Five young protesters met with Ambassador James Nealon to ask what role US funding might play in the creation of an International Commission Against Impunity in Honduras (CICIH).

Carla Pi帽osa, a teacher who was marching with her husband and 15-year-old daughter, says she had never protested before, but was inspired by what she views as neighboring Guatemala鈥檚 recent success.

Since 2007, the Guatemalan commission has investigated high-profile corruption cases there, and served as a check on public officials. In early May, former Vice President Roxana Baldetti聽was forced to resign over a customs fraud network known as 鈥渓a linea,鈥� uncovered by CICIG. And the commission鈥檚 mandate was renewed for another two years following sweeping protests.

鈥淚 think, to some extent, Guatemala sparked something here,鈥� says Gabriela Blen, a leader involved with the Indignados movement, the mostly young protesters who have helped organize the marches here. But when it comes to expectations, 鈥減eople sometimes don鈥檛 realize that Guatemala is living the results of eight or nine years of work, and a very robust public ministry,鈥� Mr. Hern谩ndez, the ASJ director, says.

Protesters complain that there is no judicial independence here, particularly following the 2012 removal of four Supreme Court justices who were seen as unsympathetic to the ruling National Party. And earlier this year, the Supreme Court changed the Constitution to allow for reelection 鈥� an issue at the heart of the 2009 coup that forced then-President Manuel Zelaya, still in his pajamas, onto a plane to Costa Rica. According to Transparency International, Honduras has almost no budget transparency, and it鈥檚 ranked 126 out of 175 nations in terms of perceived corruptness.

But it鈥檚 not just corruption that has Hondurans frustrated: Some 33 percent of the population is underemployed, the divide between the rich and the poor is vast, and the homicide rate is one of the highest in the world.

'Outside perspective'

President Hern谩ndez has opposed citizen calls for a CICIH, but in late June proposed his own version of an anticorruption commission. His plan was presented as a way to launch a conversation between the government and various sectors of society. The proposal consists of five elements, including providing more support for the public ministry.

The government would have total oversight over the implementation of the program, which excludes the kind of independent, outside involvement many protesters are demanding.

鈥淭he government is proposing what it鈥檚 already supposed to be doing,鈥� says Jorge Henr铆quez, a project manager at the Tegucigalpa-based public policy think tank FOSDEH.

Adopting a CICIG-like model has been under discussion in the region for years, says Eric Olson, associate director of the Latin America program at the Washington-based Wilson Center.

鈥淐an Honduran institutions and the government solve their problems on their own? That was the question in Guatemala [in 2006] and their conclusion was no, they couldn鈥檛,鈥� says Mr. Olson. 鈥淚 think we are close to that situation in Honduras, if not there already, where some outside assistance might be useful.鈥�

Hospital worker Carlos Hern谩ndez stood on a grassy median Friday evening with his wife and two young daughters watching the flow of flag- and torch-bearing protesters slide. He likens international oversight to problem-solving at home.

鈥淟ook, we fight,鈥� Mr. Hern谩ndez says, referring to him and his wife. 鈥淢ost of the time we resolve it, but sometimes, it gets to the point that we need to call someone in to help, like a neighbor or a relative,鈥� he says.聽鈥淪ometimes, to solve your problems, you just need that outside perspective.鈥�

鈥� Whitney Eulich reported from Honduras as a fellow with the聽