Why attempted coup in Lesotho presents regional dilemma
| MASERU, Lesotho
Two years ago, this tiny nation high in the mountains of southern Africa earned acclaim for passing the latest test of African democracy: It pulled off the region鈥檚 first聽peaceful handover of power. Lesotho then went one step further, forming what some call the first and only coalition government in all of Africa.
This week, however, these claims to democratic fame have been put to the test. An attempted military coup early聽Saturday聽sent Prime Minister Thomas Thabane scampering into South Africa 鈥� and the entire police force into hiding. A power vacuum still persists after four days.
鈥淚t鈥檚 a test of one of Africa's democratic 鈥榮uccess stories,鈥欌�� says the United Nations鈥� resident coordinator in Lesotho, Karla Hershey.
But the attempted coup goes beyond Lesotho, presenting a major challenge for the Southern African Development Community, the 15-member union committed to 鈥減eaceful settlement of disputes.鈥� SADC has been burned by Lesotho before, and has been hesitant to take decisive action after this weekend鈥檚 attempted coup.聽
In 1998, post-election charges of fraud and violence spurred then-Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili to invite SADC intervention. The mostly South African troops arrived in Lesotho, where violence and looting escalated. Much of the capital, Maseru, was razed, and 58 Basotho and 8 SADC troops were reported killed.
That trauma spawned an evolution of SADC鈥檚 approach to conflict resolution, says Dimpho Motsamai, a Southern Africa analyst for the Institute for Security Studies in Johannesburg.
鈥淕iven the very bloody nature of what happened in 1998, it鈥檚 had a very lasting effect on SADC鈥檚 political psychology,鈥� Ms. Motsamai says. 鈥淢ilitary intervention is the very, very, very last resort.鈥�
On Monday, when Prime Minister Thabane requested SADC peacekeepers 鈥� to protect his life and help restore order 鈥� the union declined. Instead, it offered to send 鈥渙bservers," whose arrival has not yet been confirmed.
鈥淲hen we talk about SADC coming, no one wants 1998 to happen again,鈥� says Maseru resident Litsitso Foloko, who works for a mobile-phone provider downtown. 鈥淏ecause you know what would happen? The next day I鈥檇 lose my work.鈥�
It is unclear whether the presence of SADC observers will deter foul play 鈥� or if they'll even be armed. Monday聽was marked by bursts of gunfire and blackouts across the capital, where personal safety is now a top priority.聽As the sun set聽on Tuesday聽there were still no police in the streets of Maseru.聽
For now, the military commander who tried to oust Thabane last weekend refuses to step down. The聽Saturday-morning military assault on the police, seen as loyal to Thabane, killed at least one cop. All police are home or in hiding 鈥� especially those who had been investigating corruption within the circles of Deputy Prime Minister Mothetjoa Metsing, to whom the military is seen as loyal.
The gamesmanship at play obscures many of the issues affecting ordinary citizens. Lesotho suffers the world鈥檚 second-highest rate of HIV infection. Half the population lives beneath the national poverty line, and malnutrition is 40 percent. The international community has contributed hundreds of millions over the past decade, which could go up in smoke if peace and public services further deteriorate.
鈥淢ob justice is very painful," says a waitress in a near-empty restaurant, who declined to give her name. "People are fearing for their lives.鈥澛�
