海角大神

As they have since the South was subjugated and slavery aborted, the dragons and grand masters emerge out of the woods at times when the country faces racial tensions 鈥� the 1890s, the 1930s, the 1950s and 鈥�60s, the 1970s, and, now, the 2010s.

The Ku Klux Klan once numbered five million, a terrifying force for the cause of white supremacy as they broke, on horseback, through the woods, their identities concealed by sheets and hoods. Today, a greatly weakened Klan again will try to tap into fears about loss of white heritage and power, as it holds a pro-Confederate flag rally at the South Carolina state house, where last week the controversial Confederate battle flag came down after the killing of 9 black parishioners at Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, S.C., on July 17.

The group, the Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, has denounced the acts of the white supremacist shooter, Dylann Roof, who had posed with Confederate flags and, reportedly, vowed to start a race war. But the decision by South Carolina legislators to remove the flag to the state鈥檚 鈥渞elic鈥� room sparked the Pelham, North Carolina-based KKK group to file for a protest permit.

鈥淚 suspect we are on the precipice of a new wave of Klan activity,鈥� Leonard Zeskin, the author of 鈥淏lood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream,鈥� .听

Now numbering less than 4,000 and fractiously splintered in some 23 groups, the Klan鈥檚 decision to take the national stage is in some ways a test of the voltage of white supremacy in the nation.

But it also raises questions about the Klan鈥檚 relevance in an age when savvier white supremacist groups are trying to appear more mainstream, by arguing for 鈥渨hite civil rights,鈥� as opposed to the Klan鈥檚 goal of complete racial segregation.

One such tactic emerged this week: As of聽Saturday, 39,000 people had signed a聽 to remove the African-American monument from the state grounds in South Carolina, because it 鈥渄epicts slave ships, mistreatment and words such as 鈥榮egregation鈥� and 鈥楯im Crow鈥� 鈥� that can and [do] serve to invoke in the white community feelings of shame, humiliation and offense, serving as a constant reminder of the dark history of slavery.鈥澛�

To be sure, the debate has included other bold public defenses of the Confederate flag, which many Southern whites see as a benign remembrance of ancestral valor. This week, some people waved Confederate flags as Obama鈥檚 motorcade sped past during a visit to Oklahoma City. That protest was one of some 90 pro-Confederate flag rallies to have taken place since a South Carolina honor guard retired the flag last Friday.

Given such outpouring nationally for symbols of the Confederacy, the Klan is sensing that the time is ripe to rebuild what some of them call the 鈥渋nvisible empire,鈥� experts on hate groups say.

鈥淭he KKK's specialty, their key recruiting and support-building tool: making white Americans feel they were under siege,鈥� , in the Washington Post.听

But whether an outpouring of support for the Confederate flag can help fuel a聽resurgence of the Klan is far from certain, especially given that the vast majority of Southern heritage groups denounce the Klan and its tactics. 聽

Instead, many experts, including historian James Loewen, see the spike of pro-Confederate Klan activity, including聽Saturday鈥檚聽rally in Columbia, more as a sign of how little public support the Klan has today as opposed to earlier Klan eras. The group is expecting no more than 200 people to show up, even as it鈥檚 held membership drives as far from Columbia as Orange County, Calif.

One reason why is because of a broader push across America and the South to rethink Confederate symbols 鈥� including a proposal by New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu to remove that city鈥檚 landmark monuments to Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee and Confederate President Jefferson Davis. That effort has forced many Americans to rethink their views on the cause of the Civil War 鈥� whether it was fought over states' rights or slavery.

鈥淭he truth about the [ties of white supremacy to symbols of the] Confederacy has always stared us in the face, and now we can look at it,鈥� says Mr. Loewen, an expert on the neo-Confederate movement and author of 鈥淟ies My Teacher Told Me,鈥� the 1995 bestseller.

For some, however, the fight over the Confederate flag is sharpening a deeper question, especially for those related to Southern Civil War fighters, about what happens when Southern heritage is suppressed by an 鈥渋ntolerant鈥� majority.

鈥淓verybody from other parts of the country looks at the South, points a finger and says, 鈥榃ere it not for that benighted region, we鈥檇 be a pure and shining nation,鈥欌�� says Michael Hill, president of the secessionist League of the South. 鈥淲e鈥檙e 鈥榯he other鈥� in American history, and if we鈥檙e going to be the other, why not go all the way and really be another [nation].鈥�

Given such heightened emotions, Gov. Nikki Haley has asked people to stay away from the rally. One group that will not is Black Educators for Justice, a Florida group with links to the New Black Panther Party, which will hold an anti-Confederate flag rally at the same location, at the same time.