海角大神

Usually, the rap on Washington is that Democrats and Republicans are so polarized, they can鈥檛 agree on much.

But as President Obama met Wednesday with the leaders of Mexico and Canada to talk trade, it was Mr. Obama鈥檚 top Democratic allies in Congress who were making life difficult. Republican leaders, normally his adversaries, have been his allies, goading him to make the pro-trade argument more forcefully.

Both Senate majority leader Harry Reid (D) of Nevada and House minority leader Nancy Pelosi (D) of California oppose giving the president 鈥渢rade-promotion authority鈥� 鈥� also known as 鈥渇ast track鈥� 鈥� to allow international trade deals to pass Congress with no amendments and on a simple majority vote. 聽

Labor leaders, too, oppose fast track, saying big international trade deals threaten American jobs. Conservationists worry such deals may not contain adequate environmental protections. Both movements are crucial to Democrats鈥� chances in the November midterms. And it is those midterms that make congressional Democrats especially wary of the emerging trade deals with Europe and Asia.

Americans have conflicting views of international trade generally, but a negative view of NAFTA 鈥� the North American Free Trade Agreement, which the United States entered into 20 years ago with Mexico and Canada.

As a presidential candidate, Obama promised to fix NAFTA. Now as president, he is hoping to amend NAFTA as part of the larger Trans-Pacific Partnership, which links countries in Asia, North America, and South America. To do that, he says, he needs fast track.

鈥淲e need to work together on tools like bipartisan trade promotion authority to protect our workers, protect our environment, and open new markets to new goods stamped 'Made in the USA,' 鈥� Obama said last month in his State of the Union address. 鈥淐hina and Europe aren鈥檛 standing on the sidelines.聽Neither should we.鈥�

The next day, Senator Reid 鈥� presiding over a precarious Democratic majority in the upper chamber 鈥� threw cold water on fast track. 鈥淓veryone would be well advised just to not push this right now,鈥� he said.

At a House Democratic retreat last Friday, Obama didn鈥檛 bring up trade, which sparked taunting from Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell (R) of Kentucky.

鈥淵ou have to wonder how serious he is about these jobs since he didn鈥檛 even mention it at all when he spoke to House Democrats today,鈥� Senator McConnell said in a statement. 鈥淭he jobs they seem to care most about are Democrats鈥� in Congress 鈥� not families across the country eager to join the ranks of the employed.鈥�

Complicating matters are Republican tea party members who oppose fast track 鈥� creating a realignment of sorts, at least on trade, with the populist left and populist right joining forces.

Late last year, 151 House Democrats 鈥� about three-quarters of the caucus 鈥� sent Obama a letter opposing fast track, saying it usurps Congress鈥檚 authority on trade matters. About two dozen House Republicans also sent the president a letter opposing fast track. 聽

Any eventual agreement on fast track will have to be bipartisan, probably with mostly Republican votes, and it may have to wait until the lame-duck period after the midterms -- or beyond -- to get a vote. Administration officials express confidence that fast track will pass, though they don鈥檛 offer a timeline.

Some say Obama could be doing more to talk up the benefits of trade.

鈥淭he president probably needs to make a better case to show how trade benefits the average American,鈥� says Stephen Kelly, a visiting public policy professor at Duke University in Durham, N.C.

One of the problems with NAFTA is that when a factory employing 300 people closes down and moves to Mexico, 鈥渢hat鈥檚 news,鈥� Professor Kelly says. But, he adds, in North Carolina鈥檚 region known as the Research Triangle, 鈥渋f each [company] hires five more people, because they have new contracts to sell goods to Canada or Mexico, that鈥檚 not news.鈥澛�