Disrupter in chief: How Donald Trump is changing the presidency
| WASHINGTON
It was President Trump鈥檚 first real national security scare.
North Korea had just tested a ballistic missile, and Mr. Trump was dining outside at his Florida resort with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan. Aides hovered around them; one shined the light of his cellphone on documents the two leaders were reviewing. A Mar-a-Lago Club member sitting nearby snapped pictures and .
鈥淲ow.....,鈥� Richard DeAgazio wrote, 鈥渢he center of the action!!!鈥澛�
The Mar-a-Lago terrace had, in effect, become an open-air White House Situation Room, but without the high-level security of the West Wing basement room where the president and top aides usually meet to address world crises. At that moment, just 24 days into Trump鈥檚 presidency, some Americans鈥� fears of having a novice to government serving in the top job crystallized.
Would Trump accidentally reveal classified information in public? Would he respond prudently to North Korea鈥檚 provocation? Was he really ready to do the job he had won, defying expectations, just a few months earlier?聽
A year into Trump鈥檚 presidency, North Korea remains a top security threat 鈥� and Trump鈥檚 freewheeling, norm-busting approach to the presidency is the new normal. The dizzying turnover of top staff and breathless media reports of palace intrigue 鈥� as evidenced by the recent brouhaha over the new tell-all book on Trump鈥檚 first year, 鈥淔ire and Fury鈥� 鈥� have only enhanced the sense of reality-TV-style drama. So has the investigation into possible Russian collaboration with Trump associates in the 2016 campaign. Ditto the women accusing Trump of past sexual misdeeds.
The explosions around 鈥淔ire and Fury鈥� are only the latest disruptions 鈥� from former top Trump aide Steve Bannon鈥檚聽 by Trump family members, to Trump鈥檚 break with Mr. Bannon and threats of legal action against him.
In countless other ways, from his provocative use of Twitter to his aggressive use of executive power to his attacks on the news media, Trump has disrupted American life, the American presidency, American politics, and America鈥檚 place in the world.
鈥淎s Winston Churchill once said of an American cabinet member, 鈥楬e鈥檚 a bull who carries his own china shop with him,鈥� 鈥� says Barbara Perry, director of presidential studies at the University of Virginia鈥檚 Miller Center.聽
To Trump supporters, that鈥檚 exactly the point: They voted for someone who would 鈥渇ight back鈥� and shake up a Washington power structure 鈥� 鈥渢he swamp鈥� 鈥� that they believe stopped serving the people a long time ago. And they say he is delivering. Trump鈥檚 war on government regulation has rolled back scores of policies on the environment, education, law enforcement, energy, and the internet.聽
To critics, Trump represents the sum of all fears: a populist demagogue who preys on voter anger, stokes racism, enacts self-enriching policies, and fans the flames of class division and partisan polarization that have been growing for decades. Some House Democrats are already pushing for impeachment, and , despite opposition from Democratic leaders.聽
In truth, the Trump disruption so far hasn鈥檛 proved to be as, well, disruptive as it could have been. Trump is not a dictator 鈥� far from it. Respect for the Constitution remains deeply embedded in the American psyche. The two-party system remains vibrant, as seen last month in Doug Jones鈥檚 stunning upset in the Alabama special Senate election 鈥� a rare Democratic victory in a deeply Republican state.聽
鈥淚t looks so far like our system is more resilient than a lot of people thought it was,鈥� says Gene Healy, vice president of the libertarian Cato Institute and author of the book 鈥淭he Cult of the Presidency: America鈥檚 Dangerous Devotion to Executive Power.鈥� 鈥淭he courts and to some extent Congress have pushed back.鈥�
鈥業 alone can fix it鈥�
In July 2016, Trump presented himself at the Republican National Convention as a savior who could solve the nation鈥檚 ills all on his own, from poverty and violence at home to war and destruction abroad.
鈥淚 alone can fix it,鈥� he boomed.
Trump鈥檚 grand rhetoric brought conventiongoers to their feet, and on the political left, sowed fears of an authoritarian-in-the-making. One year into his tenure, experts on presidential power see a man who has, in some ways, pulled the levers of power with singular abandon 鈥� both formally and informally 鈥� even as he discovers the limits of that authority.聽
鈥淚t鈥檚 a fascinating case study,鈥� says Jonathan Turley, a constitutional law professor at George Washington University in Washington. 鈥淎s controversial as many of the statements and actions of President Trump are, he has not pushed the envelope of executive privilege as much as President Obama did during his presidency.鈥澛�
Indeed, Trump鈥檚 use of executive power so far has centered on undoing Barack Obama鈥檚 legacy, many elements of which Obama had bypassed Congress to carry out. Trump pulled the United States out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal and the Paris climate accord, decertified the Iran nuclear pact, and in perhaps his most explosive decision, announced the end of DACA 鈥� Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which protects some 800,000 young unauthorized immigrants from deportation.聽
Obama himself foresaw the risk of relying on executive authority 鈥� and even warned President-elect Trump to be careful about going down that path.
鈥淕oing through the legislative process is always better, in part because it鈥檚 harder to undo,鈥� Obama told NPR a month before leaving office.聽
It wasn鈥檛 until the third year of Obama鈥檚 presidency, after the Democrats had lost control of the House, that he began to rely on executive power to enact major policy shifts. So comparing one year of Trump with eight years of Obama isn鈥檛 quite fair.聽
Trump, like Obama, began his presidency with both houses of Congress under his party鈥檚 control, and so going the legislative route to enact major policy change made sense. Besides, matters involving the federal budget and taxation must go through Congress. Initially, Trump struggled to learn the art of the legislative deal 鈥� failing to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, or 鈥淥bamacare,鈥� before passing tax reform. It was the only major piece of legislation he got through Congress in his first year.聽
The true test of Trump鈥檚 approach to executive power may come a year from now 鈥� after the November 2018 midterm elections 鈥� if the Republicans lose control of one or both houses of Congress.聽
鈥淚f one of the houses does flip, there will be a lot of pressure on Trump to act as Obama did in the face of legislative opposition,鈥� says Mr. Turley.聽
And if Trump does move toward more aggressive use of executive authority, he will be following a certain tradition. Obama was dubbed an 鈥渋mperial president,鈥� just as he had accused his predecessor, George W. Bush, of being. Presidents Richard Nixon, Harry Truman, and Franklin Roosevelt were all parties to landmark Supreme Court cases challenging their aggressive uses of executive power.聽
A larger question may be whether Congress can find its way back to its rightful place as a vehicle for bipartisanship and compromise. Scholars on the left and right speak of how polarization and other factors have made the legislative branch increasingly dysfunctional.聽
鈥淚 think the greatest challenge facing the Trump administration 鈥� or actually, any administration 鈥� these days is that Congress is broken,鈥� says Daniel Bonevac, a philosophy professor at the University of Texas at Austin. He blames budgeting procedures put in place after Watergate that had the unintentional effect of making compromise more difficult.聽
鈥淚 don鈥檛 think President Trump is responsible, in short, for the change in norms,鈥� says Mr. Bonevac. 鈥淚 think he鈥檚 a response to the change in norms.鈥澛�
A controversial travel ban
In his inaugural address, on Jan. 20, 2017, Trump painted a bleak picture of 鈥渇orgotten men and women鈥� and 鈥淎merican carnage.鈥澛�
鈥淣ow arrives the hour of action,鈥� the new president pledged.聽
A week later, Trump announced a 鈥渢ravel ban,鈥� temporarily barring entry into the US by nationals from seven predominantly Muslim countries. It was Trump鈥檚 first major executive order, and it suggested that the billionaire businessman used to issuing commands and seeing them carried out would try the same approach from the Oval Office.聽
The checks and balances limiting the power of American presidents, as enshrined in the Constitution, were in for a test.
The answer came quickly. Within days, amid protests at American airports, a federal judge blocked the measure nationwide. Legal experts slammed the order as sloppily drafted. Trump responded with decidedly unpresidential rhetoric, lashing out on Twitter at 鈥渢his so-called judge鈥� 鈥� an echo of his 2015 slur against the Mexican-American judge handling the lawsuit against Trump University.聽
But the government agencies implementing the ban backed down, following the judge鈥檚 order. A revised travel ban was also blocked, and in December, the Supreme Court allowed a third version to proceed in full while lower courts review the merits.聽
That decision suggests the Supreme Court could uphold the ban, in keeping with the principle that presidents have broad authority to control who may enter the country. And so, in the end, Trump may well prove victorious on this issue. But the path to fulfillment has been bumpy.聽
Despite Trump鈥檚 desire to present himself as the biggest and the best, his use of executive orders has not been unusual. Obama issued an average of 35 per year, President Ronald Reagan 47, and President Jimmy Carter 80. Trump is on track to issue 59 in his first year (he had signed 55 through the end of 2017). But it鈥檚 not about numbers; it鈥檚 about what the orders do.
The Twitter effect
Most journalists covering the White House have the same routine: Wake up, grab phone, check @realDonaldTrump to see what鈥檚 on POTUS鈥檚 mind.聽
Trump鈥檚 early-morning tweets can set the day鈥檚 agenda. At times, they merely let people know what he was watching that morning 鈥� often Fox News. They can be witty or pungent, controversial or straightforward. Some contain falsehoods.
Sometimes Trump鈥檚 tweets push the bounds of good taste, as when he called North Korean President Kim Jong-un聽 But over the course of a day, Trump鈥檚 Twitter feed is rarely dull. And it is arguably the most revolutionary aspect of his presidency. With this simple tool, Trump has changed the tone of an office that is usually dignified, often a force for national unity, and turned it on its head. Internationally, Trump tweets have stoked diplomatic riffs. In the US, political polarization has deepened.聽
But Twitter is Trump鈥檚 way of communicating directly with his base, and his supporters appreciate that.聽
鈥淚 follow him because I want to see what he鈥檚 saying myself and not have someone interpret it for me,鈥� says Annie Anthony, a 50-something Trump voter who runs a volunteer center in Wilmington, N.C.聽
But she calls Trump鈥檚 language 鈥渦nprofessional鈥� 鈥� a common complaint, even among Trump supporters. 鈥淗e uses words like 鈥榮ad鈥� and 鈥榖ad.鈥� That鈥檚 first-grade language,鈥� says Ms. Anthony, speaking at a recent focus group organized by pollster Peter Hart. 鈥淲e鈥檙e an intelligent population who elected you. Represent us!鈥�
Trump鈥檚 Twitter feed, in fact, isn鈥檛 just about the president and his phone. It鈥檚 an entire enterprise, with input from social media director Dan Scavino and other advisers.聽
A Trump White House insider identifies three types of Trump tweets. 鈥淭here鈥檚 one kind where he鈥檚 sitting there at 5 in the morning in his pajamas, tweeting,鈥� he says. 鈥淭hese are the kinds of things that make his staff scream into pillows.鈥�
The next kind of tweet involves Trump saying, 鈥淗ey, Dan, get in here,鈥� referring to Mr. Scavino. Trump says what he wants tweeted, then Scavino composes the words and puts it out. 鈥淚鈥檝e been in the Oval Office and seen this,鈥� says the source.聽
Then there鈥檚 the third kind of tweet that never crosses Trump鈥檚 desk. Most are anodyne, and come from senior aides 鈥� Stephen Miller, Jared Kushner, the White House counsel鈥檚 office, says the Trump insider. Occasionally, there are slip-ups 鈥� such as the recent聽 that called into question what Trump knew when he fired him. Trump lawyer John Dowd took the blame for composing that tweet.
鈥淚 think that was one of these categories where Trump really never saw the darn thing,鈥� says the Trump insider.聽
Presidential historians are struck, perhaps above all else, by how Trump鈥檚 use of Twitter has shaped his presidency. 鈥淚magine if Franklin Roosevelt or John F. Kennedy had had a hot mic in the Oval Office, and that every time they had a thought, it would go out over the airwaves,鈥� says Ms. Perry of the University of Virginia.聽
She notes that Roosevelt did just 30 radio 鈥渇ireside chats鈥� over 12 years, and President Kennedy held an average of two TV news conferences a month.聽
鈥淭hey had a sense that they didn鈥檛 want to be overexposed,鈥� says Perry. 鈥淣ow, it鈥檚 fascinating there鈥檚 someone in the Oval who doesn鈥檛 worry about overexposure.鈥�
Presidential scholar Matthew Dickinson says that beneath all the 鈥渟urface churning,鈥� it鈥檚 too soon to say if the Trump presidency has brought more fundamental shifts in the relative power of the president vis-脿-vis Congress and the courts.聽
鈥淏ut I do see a president who has transformed our expectations on a daily basis about what a president can do in social media, in public relations,鈥� says Mr. Dickinson, a political science professor at Middlebury College in Vermont.聽
Overturning regulations
Ever the showman, Trump had props ready when he walked into the White House鈥檚 Roosevelt Room on Dec. 14 to talk deregulation: piles of paper representing regulations in 1960 (20,000 pages, he said) and today (185,000 pages, standing 6 feet tall).聽
A big red ribbon stretched across the higher pile, and with oversized scissors, Trump cut through the 鈥渞ed tape鈥� 鈥� a bit of theater meant to symbolize his aggressive efforts to roll back regulations.聽
鈥淲e鈥檙e just getting started,鈥� Trump said, speaking of a major deregulation effort that goes to one of his campaign mantras: 鈥淒rain the swamp.鈥�
In Trump鈥檚 lexicon, the term 鈥渟wamp鈥� can be interpreted broadly 鈥� the party 鈥渆stablishments,鈥� the lawyers, the lobbyists, the media, and the bureaucrats of 鈥減ermanent Washington鈥� who hinder economic growth, he says, with needless rules and regulations.聽
Trump has spent his short political career trying to lay waste to all those forces. Many key positions at government agencies , some even lacking a nominee. This may seem to be a swamp-draining exercise, though it also hinders Trump鈥檚 ability to carry out his policies.聽
On the regulatory front, Trump鈥檚 first year has been momentous 鈥� and highly controversial. In January, one of his first executive orders required that two regulations be eliminated for every new one. By December, Trump claimed a ratio of 22 to 1, including two eliminated through congressional action that reportedly saved the government more than $480 million.聽
The Treasury Department has targeted some 90 banking and financial regulations. The Department of Education has rescinded Obama-era rules on sexual assault on campus and regulations on for-profit colleges. 鈥淣et neutrality鈥� 鈥� the principle of equal access to internet content 鈥� is gone.聽
But the poster child of Trump-era deregulation has to be Scott Pruitt, administrator of the Environment Protection Agency. Among the scores of actions taken, Mr. Pruitt鈥檚 EPA has moved to rescind Obama鈥檚 Clean Power Plan, aimed at combating global warming; eliminated rules blocking construction of the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines; and moved to open up off-shore drilling in most US waters, including areas currently protected.聽
鈥淟ike it or not, [deregulation] seems to be one area where he鈥檚 doing what he said he would do,鈥� says Susan Dudley, director of the George Washington University Regulatory Studies Center.
Many business leaders believe Trump鈥檚 deregulation effort has fueled the booming stock market. True or not, it has at least forced a rebalancing of power in Washington. 鈥淭he bureaucracy, scarcely mentioned in the Constitution, is a huge branch of government now,鈥� says Dickinson. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not the sexiest topic, but increasingly it鈥檚 where the action is. It鈥檚 where all these competing powers are vying for influence.鈥�
Trump鈥檚 attention to the 鈥渁dministrative state鈥� is a welcome development, at least from a constitutional standpoint, says Turley. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 happen to agree with his priorities; for one thing I鈥檓 sort of a tree-hugger,鈥� says Turley. 鈥淏ut there was a need to rebalance power, particularly between Congress and the agencies. We鈥檙e seeing a real effort now in Congress to find ways of reinforcing congressional oversight.鈥�
Soon after taking office, top aides to Trump and the congressional leadership met to deploy a little-used law called the Congressional Review Act to eliminate Obama鈥檚 final regulatory actions. In all, 14 regulations were overturned in short order.聽
It was a quiet but significant effort 鈥� and a reminder that Congress, as a co-equal branch of government, has more power than it often chooses to use. And it enabled Trump to add to his tally of promises kept.聽
Promises kept
Prototypes for Trump鈥檚 promised wall on the US-Mexican border went up in October. His 鈥渢ravel ban鈥� is in effect. He recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, bucking decades of US policy and sparking an uproar. He took action against 鈥渟anctuary cities,鈥� though a federal judge blocked the order. He passed the first major tax reform in 30 years.聽
Though Trump failed to repeal Obamacare, he used tax reform to kill off a key component 鈥� the individual mandate to buy health insurance. A record number of appeals court judges were confirmed in Trump鈥檚 first year, as was conservative Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch.聽
鈥淧robably more than any president in my lifetime, he鈥檚 kept his promises,鈥� says Turley.聽
This, despite the dark shadow hanging over the Trump presidency from the start 鈥� the Russia investigation, led by special counsel Robert Mueller since May. Inside the White House, there鈥檚 no doubt the probe has been a distraction, especially after the indictments and plea deals of former Trump advisers. But checking off agenda items has been a salve.
The jury is out on whether Trump is governing as a populist. Big tax cuts for corporations and the wealthiest Americans belie that label. And his promises of reduced engagement abroad have yet to materialize.聽
But through it all, Trump has held onto his core supporters 鈥� albeit with historically low job approval for a first-year president, at 39 percent on average through the end of 2017, according to Gallup.聽
Still firmly in his camp are the Trumpettes, a group of wealthy women who began pushing Trump to run for president back in 2015. On Jan. 18, 2018, at his Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Fla., they will host聽 to celebrate his first year in office.聽
For Trump, the Jan. 20 anniversary will be a chance to tout accomplishments, and for Democrats, a day to redouble their resolve to fight 鈥� and look forward to the November midterms. Both the House and even the Senate are 鈥渋n play,鈥� analysts say, especially after the Democratic sweep in Virginia and New Jersey last November, and Senator Jones鈥檚 improbable victory last month in Alabama. Women are turning out to vote and running for office in large numbers, ready to do battle against the Trump agenda. A big blue wave appears to be forming.聽
Trump himself plans to campaign heavily for Republicans ahead of the midterms, to which Democrats say, 鈥淏ring it on.鈥� A high-profile Trump is their best motivator.聽
The top legislative agenda items for 2018 are welfare reform and infrastructure. But with the Republican majority in the Senate now down to 51-49, passing anything significant will be that much more difficult 鈥� particularly if Trump loses either house of Congress in the midterms. 鈥淥n the homefront, there鈥檚 been a lot of bluster, though I think he鈥檚 learning that the government domestically doesn鈥檛 run like a reality show or a business,鈥� says Mr. Healy of the Cato Institute. But overseas, he adds, 鈥渢he executive branch seems as unrestrained as ever.鈥�
Trump鈥檚 ability to act unilaterally abroad has sparked particular concern over nuclear-armed North Korea. In November, fears over whether Trump can be trusted with US nuclear weapons 鈥� whose use he can authorize on his own 鈥� spurred the first hearings in Congress in 41 years to examine who should control the arsenal.
No further action has been taken, though on another matter 鈥� Trump鈥檚 ability to remove economic sanctions against Russia 鈥� Congress did vote to constrain the president. The larger questions over how Trump handles the powers of the presidency, both formal and informal, hang in the balance. The Trump Show, Year 2, has just begun.
