Russia investigation: What we know and where it may head next
| Washington
Early last month, as part of its effort to investigate Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election, the FBI filed an affidavit in federal court explaining why the bureau wanted to keep secret a plea deal it had struck with a low-level former Trump campaign adviser named George Papadopoulos.
On the surface, the request seemed unusual. Mr. Papadopoulos was a bit player in the Trump 2016 effort, a young, unpaid foreign policy adviser who attended meetings but seemed to do little else. Why cloak the fact that Papadopoulos had lied to agents and then deleted social media accounts in a hapless attempt to conceal his actions?
But the FBI had its reasons, special agent Jennifer Zelski Edwards argued in the October affidavit. During 2016, Papadopoulos had had direct contact with Russian nationals and Russia-linked foreigners. Then he鈥檇 talked about these contacts with officials up and down the Trump campaign chain of command.
The FBI planned to interview these people, too 鈥� and the bureau did not want them to know that a former associate had flipped. In essence, Papadopoulos was a truth check, an informer who could help the bureau determine if any new interviewee was lying.
鈥淭he investigation is ongoing and includes pursuing leads from information provided by and related to the defendant regarding communications he had . . . with certain other individuals associated with the campaign,鈥� Ms. Edwards wrote in the affidavit.
The investigation is ongoing, indeed. Six months after Robert Mueller鈥檚 appointment as Department of Justice Special Counsel in the Russia probe, it seems increasingly clear that his effort is akin to an attack submarine, large and potentially dangerous to its targets, moving most of the time stealthily, submerged beneath the waves.
On October 30 the investigation rose suddenly into full public view. Mr. Mueller鈥檚 team unsealed Papadopoulos鈥檚 guilty plea, and made public indictments against former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort and associate Rick Gates alleging money laundering and other international crimes.
Now Washington awaits the investigation鈥檚 next surface appearance. What will it reveal?
What we may have learned so far, according to Norman L. Eisen, former White House Special Counsel for Ethics and Government Reform under President Obama, is that Mueller is investigating whether dots of contact between Trump officials and Russians are part of a chain of coordination, or isolated and unimportant. It鈥檚 also apparent that Mueller won鈥檛 shy away from filing charges against high officials for alleged offenses that may not have been directly related to campaign activities.
鈥淢ueller will pursue the evidence where it leads. All you can really ask is that you have a qualified, fair, independent investigation,鈥� says Mr. Eisen, who also served as Ambassador to the Czech Republic and is now a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution.
Putin 鈥榤eans it鈥�
For his part, President Trump made news over the weekend by seeming to accept Russian leader Vladimir Putin鈥檚 personal denial that Russia tried to tamper with the 2016 election. Mr. Putin鈥檚 assertion was sincere, Mr. Trump said on Saturday to reporters on Air Force One. 鈥淓very time he sees me, he says, 鈥業 didn鈥檛 do that,鈥欌�� Trump told reporters. 鈥淎nd I believe 鈥� I really believe that when he tells me that, he means it.鈥�
A day later, Trump dialed this back by saying: 鈥淚鈥檓 with our agencies.鈥� US intelligence has concluded that Moscow did, in fact, try to meddle in the 2016 political process.
But the president continued to dismiss the Russia investigation as a Democratic 鈥渉it job,鈥� and insisted that the US needs to move on from the probe and instead try to get Russian cooperation on Syria and other world problems.
鈥淲e have to get to work,鈥� Trump said on Sunday.
Despite Trump鈥檚 wishes, Mueller鈥檚 investigation shows no sign of slowing down. Just the opposite.
It seems possible that the next big target in Mueller鈥檚 sight may be former National Security Adviser Michael T. Flynn. NBC News reported last week that the Russia probe has already amassed enough evidence to bring charges against Mr. Flynn for alleged infractions relating to his private lobbying and consulting work. As with Mr. Manafort and Mr. Gates, at issue might be concealment of foreign work and the laundering of foreign money.
Flynn in 鈥榓 lot of trouble鈥�
The Manafort charges are a 鈥渟traight analogue鈥� to some of Flynn鈥檚 alleged activities, says Andy Wright, an associate professor at Savannah Law School and a founding editor of the legal blog Just Security.
鈥淔lynn is really in a lot of trouble,鈥� Professor Wright says.
Flynn鈥檚 son, Michael Flynn Jr., might be in jeopardy as well. He served his father as a top aide and chief of staff during the time frame under scrutiny by Mueller鈥檚 team.
Whether prosecutors will actually move to indict either of the Flynns remains to be seen. It is possible that their real aim is to pressure the former national security adviser to cooperate in the larger Russia investigation.
Beginning before last year鈥檚 Nov. 8 election, and continuing through the transition period, Flynn had a number of communications with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak. (He was later fired from the White House for allegedly misleading Vice President Mike Pence about these discussions.) What did Flynn and Mr. Kislyak talk about, and why? Who else in the president-elect鈥檚 circle knew they were in touch? Was Flynn directed to talk about the future course of sanctions or other important aspects of US-Russian relations?
Flynn could trade information about his Russia dealings for lighter treatment, as Papadopoulos appears to have done.
President Trump has long insisted that the Russia investigation is a 鈥渨itch hunt鈥� and that there was 鈥渘o collusion鈥� between his campaign and Russia.
Indeed, it is possible that the documented contacts between his campaign staff and Russians or Russia-linked foreigners were innocent, or happenstance. As an incoming top official, Flynn might well have wished to speak with the Russian ambassador, for instance.
Connections piling up
However, the number of connections with Russia is piling up. Besides those mentioned above, Donald Trump Jr. and Jared Kushner, along with Manafort, met with a Russian lawyer named Natalia Veselnitskaya and others at Trump Tower on June 9, 2016. Trump lawyer Michael Cohen corresponded with Russians about building a Trump Tower in Moscow through January of 2016.
Foreign policy adviser Carter Page gave a speech in Moscow critical of US foreign policy in July 2016. Attorney General Jeff Sessions has met Russian Ambassador Kislyak on several occasions. Campaign adviser J.D. Gordon and Mr. Page met Kislyak at a July 20 event associated with the Republican National Convention.
Whether there has been collusion or not between Russia and Team Trump may depend on the definition of 鈥渃ollusion.鈥� If it means mutual cooperation to disseminate stolen Democratic emails or other activity, Trump might be correct to say no evidence has yet proved the case. But if it includes a willingness to engage in such activity, and to meet to talk about it, he is wrong, according to critics. And Mueller鈥檚 investigation is not over.
鈥淭here is a lot of evidence that is continuing to emerge . . . that points to collusion,鈥� says Eisen of Brookings.
Mueller is likely interested in two particular incidents. One is the June 9 Trump Tower confab, at which Donald Trump Jr. expected to receive high level and sensitive information obtained by the Russian government that would be damaging to Hillary Clinton.
鈥淚f it鈥檚 what you say I love it,鈥� the younger Trump wrote in an email prior to the meeting.
The outcome of the meeting remains unclear. Mr. Trump has said it was a waste of time and that Ms. Veselnitskaya provided no useful information. Veselnitskaya, for her part, said in an interview with Bloomberg News last week that Trump Jr. indicated that a law targeting Russia with sanctions could be re-written if his father won the election. He also asked for written evidence that the Clinton campaign had received illegal contributions.
The second incident centers on George Papadopoulos. In April 2016, Papadopoulos met with a Maltese professor with close ties to the Russian government, who told him that Moscow had 鈥渄irt鈥� on Mrs. Clinton in the form of 鈥渢housands of emails,鈥� according to a Statement of the Offense from Mueller鈥檚 office filed with a federal court on Oct. 5.
Who else did Papadopoulos tell about this 鈥渄irt?鈥� How did they react to the information, and to Papadopoulos鈥檚 continued offers to try to set up a meeting with Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Trump himself?
This is where the story circles back to Mueller鈥檚 request to seal Papadopoulos鈥檚 guilty plea. It is likely that he wanted to hear what Gordon, Page, and other mid-level Trump campaign workers had to say about the matter, without them knowing that he had a second source of information 鈥� someone who had already pled guilty.
Thus it would not be surprising if Gordon or Page is integral to whatever public turn the investigation takes next.
A key footnote
There鈥檚 one further hint of how Mueller is trying to connect the dots of the investigation, contained in the fine print of recent court filings. It鈥檚 a footnote, in fact, from Papadopoulos鈥檚 plea deal.
Around May 21, 2016, Papadopoulos emailed a high-level Trump campaign official, reiterating that Russia wanted a Trump meeting. Press reports have identified the recipient of that email as newly named campaign chief Paul Manafort. Manafort then forwarded the email to a third party, identified in press reports as Rick Gates.
The footnote in the plea deal outlines what Manafort said to Gates about the offer of a Trump-Putin meeting. 鈥淟et鈥檚 discuss,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e need someone to communicate that DT is not doing these trips. It should be someone low level in the campaign so as not to send any signal.鈥�
This is ambiguous. Does it mean that Manafort wanted to send someone low level to say that Trump wasn鈥檛 doing quasi-summit meetings yet? Or does it mean that he wanted someone low level to actually hold a meeting, presumably to discuss items of mutual interest?
This is also the context in which Manafort, Trump Jr., and Mr. Kushner held their Trump Tower meeting with a Russian lawyer on June 9.
One thing seems clear: There will be more days like Oct. 30, when big news from the Mueller probe commanded Washington鈥檚 attention. If Trump reacts with the vehemence he has to this point, he may further erode his remaining power to get things accomplished as president, says Wright of Savannah Law School.
鈥淎lmost any of these news days are going to be not great days for the president," says Wright. "All of these types of stories will continue to burn down his candle of goodwill.鈥�
