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Donald Trump has succeeded against all odds as a political force in America. But after his raucous campaign-style speech in Arizona Tuesday night, in which he implicitly attacked the state鈥檚 two Republican senators, President Trump is wading ever-deeper into uncharted waters.

Never before has an American president intentionally disavowed members of his party before they abandoned him, historians say.

And thus a critical question emerges just seven months into Mr. Trump鈥檚 presidency: Can he govern successfully, despite growing alienation from key members of his own party?

Republicans will have to pass legislation on their own, probably with some Democratic votes, and trust that Trump is willing to sign it 鈥� even if it doesn鈥檛 meet his demands, such as funding of the border wall, says presidential scholar Cal Jillson of Southern Methodist University in Dallas.

鈥淎t the end of the day, he [will] sign something that keeps the government open and functioning, otherwise there will just be too much wailing and gnashing of teeth,鈥� says Mr. Jillson, referring to two critical legislative actions looming 鈥� the raising of the debt ceiling and the funding of the government into the next fiscal year, which begins Oct. 1.

But in the current state of Trump-GOP tension, passing larger initiatives such as health and tax reform and funding for infrastructure may well be too long a throw, he adds.

In a 77-minute stem-winder Tuesday night, Trump seemed to be channeling his populist-nationalist former chief strategist Steve Bannon as he came out with one eye-popping statement after another: He threatened to shut down the government if Congress didn鈥檛 fund the wall. He said the North American Free Trade Agreement would probably be terminated. He hinted at a pardon for the controversial former Arizona sheriff, Joe Arpaio.

And perhaps most shockingly, he went after the state鈥檚 two Republican senators, though not by name: John McCain and Jeff Flake. Both have run afoul of Trump 鈥� Senator McCain in his surprise, decisive vote against consideration of legislation to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act; and Senator Flake, who recently published an anti-Trump book, 鈥淐onscience of a Conservative: A Rejection of Destructive Politics and a Return to Principle.鈥�

The shock comes not in Trump鈥檚 upset, but in his decision to go after two senators who help make up the Senate鈥檚 slim two-seat Republican majority 鈥� despite apparent warnings by presidential aides not to attack them. Senator Flake is up for reelection next year, and faces a primary. If he loses the primary, Democrats could take the seat, political analysts say. McCain faces a serious health challenge, and Trump did not acknowledge that or wish him a speedy recovery. Nor did he bring up Monday's Navy accident on the USS John S. McCain, named for the senator鈥檚 father and grandfather, that killed several sailors.

Trump even appeared to mock his own aides: 鈥淧lease, please, Mr. President, don鈥檛 mention any names,鈥� he said before hinting at criticism of McCain. Then he went on to Flake. 鈥淎nd nobody wants me to talk about your other senator, who鈥檚 weak on borders, weak on crime, so I won鈥檛 talk about him,鈥� Trump said.

Earlier in the day Tuesday, a New York Times story reported that the relationship between Trump and the Senate GOP leader, Mitch McConnell, had deteriorated to the point where they had not spoken in weeks also certainly fueled the president鈥檚 fiery rhetoric.

鈥淢cConnell, in private, doubts if Trump can save presidency,鈥�

That schism alone could be enough to sink Trump鈥檚 agenda. On Wednesday, McConnell did damage control, releasing a statement saying he and Trump have shared priorities.

鈥淲e have a lot of work ahead of us, and we are committed to advancing our shared agenda together and anyone who suggests otherwise is clearly not part of the conversation,鈥� McConnell said in a statement.

The White House also issued a statement, saying the two men 鈥渞emain united on many shared priorities, including middle class tax relief, strengthening the military, constructing a southern border wall, and other important issues鈥� and would be holding previously scheduled meetings on these issues after Congress鈥� August recess.

Still, the president鈥檚 relationship with other Republicans has been increasingly rocky. His ties to House Speaker Paul Ryan have been transactional at best since Trump launched his political career. Sen. Ben Sasse of Nebraska has been a 鈥渘ever Trumper鈥� from Day One, though has consistently voted with his party when it mattered. Others have grown increasingly bold in questioning Trump鈥檚 fitness for office, including Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Corker of Tennessee and Senator Susan Collins of Maine.

But Trump is undeterred, and seems energized by the conflict 鈥� the upstart president versus the 鈥渟wamp.鈥�

During his speech Tuesday, Trump called on Senate Republicans to get rid of the filibuster and thus the need to garner 60 votes for most legislation. Senator McConnell has rejected that idea forcefully, looking ahead to a time when Republicans will inevitably be in the minority again and will need legislative tools to combat the Democrats. Trump has no interest in such far-sighted planning.

And so the potential for intra-party stalemate looms 鈥� a source of alarm to party regulars, but not those looking to break the Washington establishment, foremost among them Trump supporters.

鈥淗e seems on a collision course with his own party,鈥� says historian David Pietrusza. 鈥淢any of his more convinced followers 鈥� and some not so convinced 鈥� welcome this, as so many voters cheer any opposition to the so-called 鈥榮wamp.鈥欌��

Mr. Pietrusza identifies a series of 19^th -century presidents he calls 鈥渁ccidental鈥� 鈥� John Tyler, Millard Fillmore, Andrew Johnson, and Chester Arthur, all of whom assumed the highest office after their predecessors died.

鈥淎ll failed to hold their party鈥檚 trust,鈥� he says. 鈥淎nd all were denied nomination for another term.鈥�

Pietrusza notes that the power of the president has increased greatly since the 19th century, but concludes that when it comes to guiding an agenda through Congress 鈥渄eclaring war on one's own party in the Congress is definitely a fool's errand.鈥�

Like many aspects of Trump鈥檚 presidency, the intra-party feud is unprecedented. But no one can predict with absolute certainty that, going forward, Trump won鈥檛 be able to make something of his time in office. On national security policy, in particular, he has wide-ranging powers. And after all, he has gone farther in his political career than most predicted, perhaps even he himself.