Trump Oval Office signings: substance and showmanship
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Like perhaps no president before him, President Trump has made Oval Office signings into a public ceremony of achievement.
It鈥檚 already a sort of ritual: Reporters crowd in to witness Mr. Trump scrawl his name at the end of a two-page official document. Then he holds up the papers for a closer camera shot. Sometimes he smiles. Sometimes he just narrows his eyes, mouth set, as if to say, 鈥淢ission accomplished. Next?鈥
And some of these directives set real things into motion. Last Friday鈥檚 executive order on immigration is a case in point. It temporarily banned refugees and citizens of seven predominantly Muslim countries from entering the country. That produced mass confusion at US airports and consternation in capitals around the world.
But many of these ceremonies are not as definitive as they appear. They order up things that Congress has yet to pay for, or that existing laws limit, or that federal courts might reject.
US voters typically see their government as centered on a powerful president around whom all else revolves. That鈥檚 a role longtime TV star Trump is happy to play. In Washington鈥檚 reality show, however, Congress is pretty influential, and the Supreme Court has the final say. Presidents can鈥檛 always order. Sometimes, all they can do is urge.
鈥淭here is a certain theatrical element here,鈥 says Andrew Rudalevige, a professor of government at Bowdoin College in Brunswick, Maine. 鈥淭he signings are one way of showing that the administration is jumping into action.鈥
Through its first week the Trump administration took 15 鈥淧residential Actions to begin fulfilling [the president鈥檚] promises to Make America Great Again,鈥 according to a . These ranged from the refugee and immigration order, to Trump鈥檚 executive order intended to begin repeal of the Affordable Care Act, to various presidential memorandums on freezing federal hiring, starting oil-pipeline construction, and rebuilding the US armed forces.
Presidential instruments
Executive orders, memorandums, and various offshoots aren鈥檛 mentioned by name in the Constitution. No law directly established them. But from George Washington on down, US presidents have historically utilized written instruments to direct the executive branch and implement policy, notes a Congressional Research Service (CRS) 聽on the practice.
Often they鈥檙e used for mundane acts such as the establishment of commissions or the ordering of agency priorities. Sometimes they are more controversial. Franklin Delano Roosevelt issued an executive order to create internment camps for Japanese-Americans during World War II. Abraham Lincoln used one to suspend the writ of habeas corpus during the Civil War.
Their authority derives from the president鈥檚 authority to run the executive branch鈥檚 departments and agencies, and the constitutional provision that the president faithfully executes the nation鈥檚 laws. But the flexibility and power of executive orders is tempting; sometimes, chief executives run into trouble when they issue orders that 鈥渃onstitute unilateral executive lawmaking that impacts the interests of private citizens and encroaches upon congressional power,鈥 notes CRS.
The classic example of this was President Truman鈥檚 executive order that nationalized US steel mills during a worker strike to ensure continued production during the Korean War. The Supreme Court struck this down, in part because Congress a few years previously had expressly rejected seizures as a means to settle labor disputes.
Trump鈥檚 immigration order itself may be in legal trouble, according to some critics. While chief executives have extensive powers to control border entry, federal justices might see the order as an unconstitutional violation of religious rights.
Follow-up needed
Other Trump executive orders just don鈥檛 quite live up to their billing. The Obamacare order, for example, just chips at the health law鈥檚 edges. Repealing and replacing the Affordable Care Act will largely be a congressional responsibility.
Trump鈥檚 order to begin construction of a southern border wall still needs money. Absent an advance payment from Mexico 鈥 unlikely in the extreme 鈥 Congress must appropriate the funds. It鈥檚 likely to do so, but as yet it has not.
Last Friday, Trump signed a titled 鈥淩ebuilding the US Armed Forces.鈥 It contains provisions calling for a review of America鈥檚 nuclear posture and the possibility of building more robust missile defenses. But again, the paper by itself isn鈥檛 a promissory note. As noted in Section 4 (b), 鈥淭his memorandum shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.鈥
Or take last Friday鈥檚 , which said that for each new US government regulation, two prior regulations must be identified for elimination.
Existing congressional statutes mandate many regulations, says Bowdoin鈥檚 Professor Rudalevige, a specialist in the study of presidential management of the executive branch. Establishing them requires a process of drafts, notification, and comments that can take years. That probably can鈥檛 be undone with a stroke of a presidential pen.
鈥淚t鈥檚 unclear how this will work,鈥 he says.
'Order' vs. 'guidance'
For the most part, the language of Trump鈥檚 actions recognizes that their course might not be smooth. Almost all contain a phrase along the lines of 鈥渁s consistent with existing law鈥 or 鈥渁s permitted by statute.鈥 In other words, 鈥渨e鈥檒l do this if possible. If not.鈥︹
But there鈥檚 another Trump word choice that may be just as indicative. When President Obama issued his controversial immigration orders, such as his establishment of the program to defer prosecution of young immigrants brought illegally to the US by their parents as children, he framed them as 鈥済uidance鈥 for the Justice Department and other parts of the executive branch.
Trump鈥檚 immigration action, by contrast, was an 鈥渆xecutive order.鈥 In legal terms there鈥檚 not really any difference. In semantic terms, perhaps there is. Mr. Obama was trying to make his moves look less radical. Trump is making his look as powerful as possible.
鈥淭hey鈥檙e looking at the same law 鈥 in opposite directions,鈥 says Rudalevige.