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As Trump molds military leadership, do politics outrank merit?

U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth speaks to the news media after being greeted by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Air Force Gen. CQ Brown Jr. at the Pentagon in Washington, Jan. 27, 2025.
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DoD/Benjamin D Applebaum/Reuters
U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth speaks to the news media after being greeted by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Air Force Gen. CQ Brown Jr. at the Pentagon in Washington, Jan. 27, 2025.

When President Donald Trump last month fired six top U.S. military leaders, including a Black man and the United States鈥 only female four-star officer, he didn鈥檛 give a reason.

But it appeared to mark the fulfillment of plans long outlined by Trump administration officials to replace what they called 鈥渨oke鈥 officers with those who, in the parlance of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, prioritize the lethality of the armed forces.

Among critics, however, the 鈥淔riday night massacre,鈥 as Democrats called the firings, fueled concern that the president鈥檚 goal is not seeking out martial merit but rather finding officers who pass a loyalty test of sorts.

Why We Wrote This

President Donald Trump鈥檚 dismissal of top military leaders raises questions about his expanding influence, and about whether loyalty tests determine who directs America鈥檚 armed forces.

Mr. Trump likes telling a story about how his new pick for America鈥檚 top military leader, retired Lt. Gen. Dan 鈥淩azin鈥欌 Caine, told the president he 鈥渓oved鈥 him and would 鈥渒ill for鈥 him, and then donned a red MAGA hat when they first met in Iraq in 2018.

Mr. Caine鈥檚 close colleagues dispute that story 鈥 wearing a cap with a political message while in uniform during a deployment is a violation of military codes.

Hats aside, a military that鈥檚 obedient to its civilian commander-in-chief is a cornerstone of U.S. democracy. Even the president鈥檚 critics are quick to say that he has the right to choose his subordinates.

Yet the mass dismissal of the armed services鈥 top echelons raises 鈥渢roubling questions about the administration鈥檚 desire to politicize the military and to remove legal constraints on the President鈥檚 power,鈥 five former secretaries of defense wrote in a letter to Congress last month. 鈥淭hose currently serving may grow cautious of speaking truth to power, or they could erode good order and discipline by taking political actions in uniform.鈥

The defense secretaries鈥 letter notes that Alexander Hamilton pressed military officers to insert themselves into domestic politics hoping that the Continental Army鈥檚 grievances could help pressure states into supporting a stronger national government.

George Washington warned him against it: 鈥淭he Army is a dangerous instrument to play with,鈥 he said.

Conservatives who argue that President Joe Biden politicized the military by focusing on climate change and by advancing diversity, equity, and inclusion measures call these concerns, on the heels of Mr. Trump鈥檚 firings, sour grapes.

As these latest Trump administration moves play out, they will be recorded in America鈥檚 history books, already well stocked with tales of U.S. presidents who have let go of commanders for political reasons 鈥 or kept others at their political peril.

These were big news stories in their day, followed closely by those who worried, as now, that politicizing the military poses considerable risks to military morale, strategic readiness, and democratic safeguards.

Members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff arrive before President Donald Trump addresses a joint session of Congress in the House chamber at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, March 4, 2025.
Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AP
Members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff arrive before President Donald Trump addresses a joint session of Congress in the House chamber at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, March 4, 2025.

A scheming general and ties to Jefferson, Madison

A Revolutionary War veteran back when the new republic was still fragile, Brig. Gen. James Wilkinson was 鈥渞enowned for never having won a battle or lost a court-martial,鈥 as historian Robert Leckie put it.

Wilkinson was also the colonial army鈥檚 top officer, one of a number of generals who鈥檇 ascended the military ranks through family ties, wealth, and political savvy. 鈥淗is rise,鈥 Mr. Leckie writes, 鈥渄isgusted every decent officer in the service.鈥

Wilkinson also almost helped America lose the West. When Aaron Burr was accused in 1807 of hatching a traitorous plot to carve out an independent nation from western states and the Louisiana Territory, it was discovered that he鈥檇 sought support from Wilkinson 鈥 later found to be on Spain鈥檚 payroll as a secret agent.

At the same time as he was the army鈥檚 senior officer, Wilkinson was also governor of Louisiana and, as such, arrested a number of people 鈥 and their lawyers 鈥 whom he thought could link him to Burr.

Widely believed to be complicit in Burr鈥檚 alleged plotting, Wilkinson escaped prosecution by throwing Burr under the bus in a letter to then-President Thomas Jefferson. For all this, he was court-martialed but later acquitted. Historians speculate that Wilkinson鈥檚 political connections kept President James Madison from pursuing more serious treason charges against him.

Wilkinson went on to be one of the leading generals infamously defeated in Madison鈥檚 failed U.S. invasion of Canada during the War of 1812, which, had it succeeded, could have permanently changed the shape of America. Wilkinson was court-martialed again for misconduct, but he was once more acquitted.

鈥淚n all our history,鈥 Theodore Roosevelt wrote, 鈥渢here has been no more despicable character.鈥

MacArthur, Truman, a public dispute, and a 鈥済utted鈥 Army

More than a century later, Gen. Douglas MacArthur 鈥 counter to policies to protect civilian control of the military 鈥 publicly protested President Harry Truman鈥檚 foreign policy plans: General MacArthur was, in short, convinced that China posed a significant strategic threat to America, while President Truman was more concerned about Russia鈥檚 designs on Europe.

Gen. Douglas MacArthur, commander in chief, United Nations forces in Korea (at left), is greeted by Lt. Gen. Matthew B. Ridgeway at Kangnung, Korea on April 3, 1951.
AP/File
Gen. Douglas MacArthur, commander in chief, United Nations forces in Korea (at left), is greeted by Lt. Gen. Matthew Ridgway in Gangneung, South Korea, April 3, 1951.

After many patient warnings, President Truman relieved him of command and was promptly thrust into a fight for his political life. Republicans accused the president of being soft on communism. Sen. Joseph McCarthy called Mr. Truman 鈥 and all Democrats 鈥 traitors.

Ultimately, Mr. MacArthur was replaced by Lt. Gen. Matthew Ridgway, who later became the U.S. Army鈥檚 top officer. That鈥檚 when he clashed with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, whom he had replaced as supreme allied commander of Europe following their service in World War II.

President Eisenhower believed nuclear weapons were a better investment than a large ground force. Shrinking the Army was necessary to keep the economy robust so America could make that investment, he said.

Mr. Ridgway argued publicly that the ability of nuclear weapons to wipe out the world meant that rational leaders were far more likely to use conventional forces in armed conflict. Reducing them would leave America vulnerable.

Many generals agreed with Mr. Ridgway, and, tired of their dissent, President Eisenhower increasingly isolated himself from their advice. He allowed the general to finish out his two-year term, but he did not invite him back for another, effectively firing him.

While the president鈥檚 strategy played a role in winning the Cold War, an analysis from West Point鈥檚 Modern War Institute argues that Mr. Ridgway was right: In the years to come, 鈥渁 gutted and largely demoralized Army would reveal itself incapable鈥 of winning the Vietnam War.

General ousted after publicly doubting Carter

Other fundamental disagreements about America鈥檚 strategic direction have played out in the public spotlight, with military officers openly calling into question 鈥 and subverting 鈥 the decisions of civilian leaders.

When President Jimmy Carter planned to withdraw U.S. troops from South Korea, believing it would encourage South Korea to rely more on its own armed forces, the top commander in the region, Maj. Gen. John Singlaub, publicly questioned the president鈥檚 decision.

It could lead to another North Korean invasion, he said. President Carter quickly relieved Mr. Singlaub of his post.

A Silver Star recipient who had trained resistance fighters in German-occupied France, Mr. Singlaub was reassigned to another military job. He later publicly criticized President Carter again for, among other things, giving up control of the Panama Canal. He was then ordered to the Department of Defense, which announced his retirement the following day.

Later, Mr. Singlaub became a major fundraiser for the Nicaraguan Contra rebels, who were fighting that Central American country鈥檚 leftist government. He testified in 1987 congressional hearings on the Reagan administration鈥檚 secret plan to sell arms to Iran, with proceeds diverted to the rebels.

Retired Army Maj. Gen. John Singlaub testifies before the joint House-Senate panels investigating the Iran-Contra affair on Capitol Hill, May 22, 1987.
Lana Harris/AP/File
Retired Army Maj. Gen. John Singlaub testifies before the joint House-Senate panels investigating the Iran-Contra affair on Capitol Hill, May 22, 1987.

It was an end-run around a congressional ban on aid to the Contras. Mr. Singlaub explained that his own visible role helped divert attention away from the program.

Conservative Sen. Barry Goldwater sent a note to CIA Director William Casey after Congress learned of the Nicaragua affair from a Wall Street Journal investigative article.

President Ronald Reagan 鈥渉as asked us to back his foreign policy,鈥 he wrote. 鈥淏ill, how can we back his foreign policy when we don鈥檛 know what the hell he is doing?鈥

The investigation 鈥 which found that the president鈥檚 national security adviser, Adm. John Poindexter, and his assistant Lt. Col. Oliver North had destroyed thousands of documents rather than hand them over 鈥 reaffirmed the essential role Congress plays in the oversight of the executive branch.

Administration defends moves. Could it be 鈥渦ndermining鈥 military?

Historically, the removal of generals by their president has been for isolated instances of politicization, and usually because of public actions of the commander.

In recent history, Adm. William Fallon resigned as a top U.S. commander after an article portrayed him as opposing President George W. Bush鈥檚 Iran policies.

Two years later, President Barack Obama relieved Gen. Stanley McChrystal of his command of U.S. forces in Afghanistan after he was quoted making disparaging comments about his civilian leaders, including then-Vice President Biden.

For this reason, President Trump鈥檚 firing of six top military leaders upon taking office is concerning, says Richard Kohn, former chief historian of the Air Force and now professor emeritus at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

Gen. Stanley McChrystal reviews troops for the last time as he is honored at a retirement ceremony at Fort McNair in Washington, July 23, 2010.
J. Scott Applewhite/AP/File
Gen. Stanley McChrystal reviews troops for the last time as he is honored at a retirement ceremony at Fort McNair in Washington, July 23, 2010.

The administration has pointed to Gen. George Marshall鈥檚 1940 鈥減lucking board鈥 as historical precedent, convened to cull older colonels and generals nearing retirement. General Marshall wanted to raise up officers more prepared for the rigors of the approaching world war.

The Trump administration has not given an official rationale for its firings. In a Truth Social post announcing that he was letting go Air Force Gen. CQ Brown Jr., the second Black man to serve as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mr. Trump thanked him for his service, calling him a 鈥渇ine gentleman and an outstanding leader.鈥

But the underlying reason for his dismissal, many experts have suggested, was General Brown鈥檚 public comments about challenges of being a Black man in the U.S. armed forces. 鈥淚t鈥檚 very clear that the Republican Party has become less supportive of the military for what they consider to be woke-ism,鈥 says Professor Kohn. 鈥淎nd that itself is a major source of politicization.鈥

This politicization often can鈥檛 help but be absorbed by military officers who want to rise to the top of a competitive field, potentially affecting 鈥渢heir duty to tell their bosses what they need to hear 鈥 rather than what they think they want to hear,鈥 he adds.

鈥淎nd that to me is the threat, really: undermining the efficiency, effectiveness, and excellence of the officer corps from the very top.鈥

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