Pledge of Allegiance: 'under God' under threat in Massachusetts
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The Massachusetts Supreme Court heard arguments Wednesday in a case that examines whether the 鈥渦nder God鈥 clause in the Pledge of Allegiance makes the state鈥檚 daily recitation of the Pledge in schools discriminatory.
This isn鈥檛 the first time the clause has come before a judge, though plaintiffs in this case are basing their arguments in equal protection guarantees 鈥 which are particularly strong under Massachusetts鈥檚 Equal Rights Amendment 鈥 rather than the First Amendment.
鈥淚t鈥檚 a different approach,鈥 says David Niose, the attorney for the plaintiffs and president of the Secular Coalition for America. 鈥淲e have constitutional protections demanding equality. The state statute that requires daily recitation 鈥 sponsored by school, led by teacher 鈥 of the Pledge of Allegiance, obviously discriminates against atheist and humanist children. On a daily basis, you鈥檙e having patriotism defined and having children indoctrinated in way that exalts one religious group and marginalizes atheists and humanists.鈥
In the past, most challenges to the 鈥渦nder God鈥 clause in the Pledge have been unsuccessful. The notable exception was in 2002, when the US Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that, in fact, the words are an endorsement of religion and violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment 鈥 a ruling that created a small political storm at the time. That ruling was reversed, however, when the US Supreme Court held that the plaintiff (a noncustodial parent) didn鈥檛 have standing to bring the suit. When a new suit was filed and reached that same Ninth Circuit eight years later, the court ruled that, in fact, the phrase is a historical reflection of beliefs that doesn鈥檛 constitute an endorsement of religion.
Atheists unhappy with the phrase in the Pledge have long pointed out that, in fact, that phrase doesn鈥檛 have many historical roots: The original Pledge 鈥 written in 1892 and adopted by Congress as a national pledge in 1942 鈥 didn鈥檛 contain the words 鈥渦nder God.鈥 The phrase was added in 1954 during the McCarthy Era.
The language may well be controversial, but that doesn鈥檛 make it discriminatory 鈥 something that should have to pass a much higher bar, says Eric Rassbach of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, one of two defense attorneys in the case.
鈥淎t some point, the government has to be able to speak,鈥 Mr. Rassbach says. 鈥淪omeone is always going to object to something the government is saying.鈥 The answer to that in a case like this, he says, is to allow people to opt out 鈥 no one has to say the Pledge 鈥 but not to get rid of the Pledge entirely. 鈥淚t doesn鈥檛 mean they get to decide what the rule is for everybody else. Then it turns into minority rule, instead of majority rule.鈥
Jehovah鈥檚 Witnesses, who believe the Pledge constitutes idolatry, have been sitting out the Pledge for a very long time, notes Rassbach. They won the right from the Supreme Court in 1943, when the court ruled that 鈥渃ompulsory unification of opinion鈥 is unconstitutional.
鈥淭hat鈥檚 the way we typically solve these kinds of conflicts. We can鈥檛 have a kind of heckler鈥檚 veto applied to government speech, which is what this is,鈥 says Rassbach.
For his part, Mr. Niose says simply allowing children to opt out of the Pledge doesn鈥檛 make it any less discriminatory.
鈥淭he state is sponsoring and teachers are leading an exercise every day that exalts one group and disassociates the other group from patriotism,鈥 says Niose. 鈥淚t鈥檚 hardly a consolation that the other group has the option of watching.鈥
The case before the Supreme Court is an appeal of a lower court ruling last year, in which a Massachusetts judge found that the phrase in the Pledge did not violate the state's equal protection guarantees. The judge ruled that including the phrase "under God" in a voluntary statement of patriotism does not "convert the exercise into a prayer." The plaintiffs 鈥 the American Humanist Association and a family that has remained anonymous 鈥 appealed the ruling.
If the plaintiffs are successful, Niose expects that there may be similar cases in other states with strong equal protection statutes. But he also says he hopes it will spark a broader conversation.
Not one member of Congress is publicly an atheist, he notes.
鈥淏arney Frank just retired. He came out as gay 30 years ago, but didn鈥檛 come out as an atheist until after he left office,鈥 says Niose. 鈥淲e need to have a conversation in this country about how atheists are viewed and treated.鈥 聽
The case is Doe v. Acton-Boxborough Regional School District.