海角大神

These days Cote d鈥橧voire, Liberia, and Sierra Leone may be stable countries of a quietly advancing West Africa, but two decades ago that was not the case. All three were embroiled in civil conflicts with deep political turmoil and horrendous violence that left no one safe.

Then the United Nations sent in peacekeepers with orders to protect civilians from warring factions 鈥� a new mandate that until the 1999 UN mission to Sierra Leone had never been tried before.

No one is likely to claim that the UN鈥檚 peacekeeping missions are the only reason West Africa is living much better today. But they were key factors in stabilizing and calming conditions and reversing the downward spiral of violence.

鈥淚 feel quite proud of the work we鈥檝e done there,鈥� says Jack Christofides, director of the policy, evaluation, and training division of the UN鈥檚 Department of Peacekeeping Operations. 鈥淲e鈥檙e leaving [West African countries] in far better condition than when we went in there.鈥�

Highlighting peacekeeping successes may not be the norm at a time when the focus is more on peacekeeping鈥檚 failings 鈥� and on pressure for deep reforms in the UN鈥檚 biggest and costliest activity. The UN鈥檚 new secretary-general, Antonio Guterres, has ordered a full review of peacekeeping operations, and UN peacekeeping鈥檚 biggest bankroller, the United States, is also demanding major reform.

But with President Trump calling for large US cuts in its financial contribution to the UN, and with US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley pressing for reforms and undertaking a review of each of the UN鈥檚 16 peacekeeping missions, UN officials and experts in peacekeeping are sounding adamant in response. The Security Council is meeting Thursday to discuss the issue.

Yes, peacekeeping can be improved, the officials and experts say. But the focus should be on reforms that build on peacekeeping鈥檚 successes and that help to address the security challenges of the 21st century, they add, not solely on efficiency and cost reduction.

鈥淗ow to make peacekeeping better and more effective in today鈥檚 security challenges is by no means a new topic at the UN, and I think people recognize there鈥檚 still potential for a lot of reform,鈥� says Aditi Gorur, an expert in UN peacekeeping and director of the Protecting Civilians in Conflict program at the Henry Stimson Center in Washington.

鈥淭he problem is that the drastic cuts Trump has talked about 鈥� and that Nikki Haley has done little to deny 鈥� create a defensive mentality and a counterproductive environment for the conversation about reform,鈥� Ms. Gorur says. 鈥淪o while [Ambassador] Haley is taking office in an atmosphere that is welcoming of US goals, there are also fears that the priority will be on cutbacks over doing things better.鈥�

Dramatic change in mission

The Trump administration may be talking about cost cuts, but many officials and international security experts see UN peacekeeping as one of the world鈥檚 great bargains.

Currently about 100,000 peacekeepers, most of them provided by developing countries, are deployed in the 16 missions 鈥� concentrated in Africa and the Middle East 鈥� at a cost of about $8 billion a year. That鈥檚 about 1 percent of global annual outlays on defense and military spending, experts note.

The US pays 28 percent of the annual cost 鈥� Trump wants to lower the US share to 25 percent 鈥� or about $2.2 billion. That鈥檚 roughly the price tag on two B-52 bombers, peacekeeping鈥檚 advocates like to point out.

Peacekeeping missions are authorized by the UN Security Council 鈥� and those missions have evolved markedly as global security threats have changed and the international community has assumed new responsibilities, such as protection of civilians caught up in civil wars or political strife.

The end of the cold war is the line of demarcation between old and new peacekeeping, with missions before about 1990 largely deployed to monitor cease-fires in international disputes, from Kashmir (separating Indian and Pakistani forces) to the Golan Heights (between Israel and Syria).

The 1990s saw the first of what would become the post-cold-war norm: missions deployed to civil conflicts.

That decade also witnessed peacekeeping鈥檚 first big failures 鈥� in Rwanda, Somalia, and Bosnia 鈥� when mission mandates did not yet include the goal of protecting civilians.

Peacekeeping grew dramatically in the 2000s, as civil and often ethnic-driven conflicts spread across Africa, and the Security Council increasingly included protection of civilians in the mandates of new missions. The UN peacekeeping tab roughly doubled in the decade after 2004 鈥� from $4 billion to today鈥檚 $8 billion 鈥� starting under the presidency of George W. Bush and extending into that of Barack Obama.

Reforms should build on successes

But the rapid expansion led to new problems, with the deployed 鈥渂lue helmets鈥� 鈥� as UN peacekeepers are known 鈥� often ill-equipped to operate in the complexities of civil conflicts. The new era鈥檚 biggest disappointments include repeated cases of peacekeepers鈥� sexual abuse of the women and minors they were deployed to protect, and the Haiti mission鈥檚 introduction of cholera to the Western Hemisphere鈥檚 poorest country.

Despite those black eyes, peacekeeping鈥檚 proponents say the good far outweighs the bad 鈥� and that reform efforts must start from that basis.

UN officials say that for every mistake and embarrassment peacekeepers have committed, there are many more cases of protecting large numbers of civilians, freeing child soldiers, even heading off genocides.

The Stimson Center鈥檚 Gorur says peacekeeping can do better, and that the reform effort should focus on improvements such as establishing missions with 鈥渁 vision and a clear idea of what the endgame is,鈥� and 鈥渂enchmarks鈥� for determining a mission鈥檚 progress and success 鈥� elements she says have been missing.

Indeed 鈥減rotecting people better鈥� is also what Ambassador Haley says the US wants peacekeeping to do, if more efficiently.

At a press conference in New York Monday, Haley said the US was finding strong support among its UN colleagues for the peacekeeping reform effort. 鈥淭here is strong consensus in the Security Council that we need to move forward鈥� with reform, she said.

鈥淭he goal is to be effective 鈥� protecting people on the ground,鈥� she said, 鈥淲e need to make sure we鈥檙e changing with the times.鈥�

The case of the Congo mission

The initial test case of where the US intends to go with its reform effort was the mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo 鈥� which at around 17,000 peacekeepers is the UN鈥檚 largest.

Haley blasted the Congo mission last month as a support for a 鈥渃orrupt鈥� government 鈥渋nflicting predatory behavior against its own people,鈥� and she admonished the Security Council to 鈥渉ave the decency and common sense to stop this.鈥�

That alarmed other council members, including France, who insisted that the peacekeepers are protecting civilians from all of Congo鈥檚 armed actors, and that ending the mission now would invite disaster.

By Friday, when the Congo mission came up for reauthorization, the US was on board with a plan cutting the mission by only hundreds of peacekeepers, to 16,000. Still, Haley celebrated the renewed mission as 鈥渢he start of peacekeeping reform,鈥� and said it would save millions of dollars.

That outcome heartened peacekeeping advocates who took it as a signal that 鈥渞eform鈥� was not going to be a euphemism for thoughtless downsizing and cost-cutting.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think the US has any intention to slash and burn peacekeeping,鈥� one senior UN peacekeeping official says. 鈥淲e want to make changes 鈥� our only proviso is that whether adjustments are made needs to be based on political and security realities.

"When you have another agenda,鈥� he adds, 鈥測ou鈥檙e running into trouble.鈥�