Using sticker shock to clarify the costs of deficit spending
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I attended the National Tax Association鈥檚 spring symposium today, and heard a fascinating presentation by , a from Harvard, on using 鈥渂ehavioral economics鈥 (sometimes now referred to as 鈥渃ognitive economics鈥) to better understand the effects of tax policy. Among the many interesting behavioral studies of his that Raj summarized today, one focused on how the 鈥渟alience鈥 of taxes (how obvious taxes are) matters in terms of how those taxes affect economic behavior. The hypothesis was that the more visible or obvious taxes are, the bigger the behavioral responses would be. Raj described how he conducted an experiment involving price tags in a drug store, where for a period of time the price tags on a certain subset of items (hair accessories, actually) in one particular store were elaborated upon, such that the (usual) price before taxes and the gross-of-sales-tax price (referred to as the 鈥渢otal price鈥) were displayed. (You can find a photo of these price tags in .) Comparing with the appropriate 鈥渃ontrols鈥 (demand for other goods in the same store with ordinary price tags, demand for the same type of (hair accessory) products with ordinary price tags in other stores), Raj and his coauthors found that when the sales taxes and gross prices were spelled out on the price tags (note: taxes were not raised, just clarified), sales of those goods (quantity demanded) fell. Raj had a funny story about how the store manager did not let him use the special price tags on a larger class of goods, because he had a hunch Raj鈥檚 hypothesis would prove right!
It got me thinking on the spot about how this bit of behavioral economics applies to deficit spending. The reason why deficit financing of government spending and tax cuts proliferates is because it鈥檚 (falsely) perceived as 鈥渇ree鈥濃搊r at least as less painful (less costly) than having to come up with offsetting tax increases or spending cuts. When in fact, economically at least, exactly the opposite is true. Even leaving aside the riskiness of high deficits and debt to the stability of our entire economy, there鈥檚 at least the objective and easy-to-quantify cost of the compounding interest on the added debt.
So what if every time a deficit-financed spending program or tax cut is proposed, the CBO puts a 鈥減rice tag鈥 on it that is not just the standard legislative cost of the spending or tax cut, but the gross-of-interest amount, maybe under various assumptions about how long paying down that debt will be put off? Just for example, if the Bush tax cuts that President Obama wants to extend (all but the top two brackets) are extended and deficit financed (as the President proposes, and remember, these Bush tax cuts are exempt from Obama PAYGO rules), the gross-of-interest 鈥減rice鈥 would not be 鈥渏ust鈥 $2 trillion over ten years, but maybe over $5 trillion over ten years if you count the compounded daily interest and assume the paying down of principal doesn鈥檛 begin for 20 years. (I got that by assuming a 5 percent annual interest rate, but you can play around with different rates and terms using this .)
In other words, this would spell out for people鈥搕he politicians and ordinary citizens alike鈥搕hat a deficit-financed tax cut today just means a several-fold tax increase (on our kids) later. And the later 鈥渓ater鈥 is, the larger the 鈥渕ultiplier鈥 on that future tax increase (or spending cut).
I guess this seems the opposite of the 鈥渄ynamic scoring鈥 of tax cuts that some conservatives who embrace supply-side economics advocate as a way of reducing the officially-scored costs of tax cuts. But if deficit-financed tax cuts were to be truly 鈥渄ynamically scored,鈥 not only would the direct costs of compound interest count against it (which is all I鈥檓 here suggesting be added to the 鈥減rice tag鈥), but the adverse effects of reduced public and national saving on economic growth would raise, not lower, the costs.
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